Nick Moran: I started off as commander of the Peninsular Malaysian forces, but only about three days into the MBX, ended up the proud controller of a relatively modern group of warships, including four Type-23 equivalents, four Grishas, four Handalan FAC(M/T), 8 Perdana FAC(M)and four submarines. (Sjoormen class) The FACs and Lekiu Frigates all had Exocet missiles, but lousy air defense, and would rely on blind luck to make it through the US coverage. There were also a good few LSTs and related transports to transfer 9th Brigade over. Due to the dreaded 'GM Die Roll', one of the Sjoormens was deemed to have started the game damaged and unfixable. Or, you could say we started with three. From the start, I had advocated not antagonising the Americans, for I knew that as soon as the shooting started, we would be in a little trouble. This makes me look perhaps a little hypocritical since I was the one who ordered the shooting down of the MV-22 Osprey over the US embassy. I personally couldn't really care if the Crown Prince legged it off the embassy grounds to the US or not. Thinking more militarily than politically, I saw my primary mission as getting the troops to Borneo, and killing Americans would be a good way of ensuring that 9th Bde wouldn't get across. However, under orders from above, we couldn't allow the CP to escape. We had a choice of preventing the Osprey from landing in the first place, or allowing it to land, and then on the return leg, force it down onto our territory where the CP could be arrested if aboard. The catch was that we could (In my view, which I still hold) legally shoot down the Osprey before it reached the embassy, but on the return leg, whilst we could probabl y still legally shoot it down, the possibility that there was diplomatic staff aboard made it a politically unacceptable alternative. So, given that the Air Commander wasn't around at the time, I had the two Fulcrums follow close behind the two Ospreys, and that if an aircraft were to make a break for the embassy grounds, that shots be fired into the engine to disable it. Unfortunately, due to a miscommunication, the shots were actually fired by a ZSU-23 on the ground, which couldn't get as clean a shot, and so destroyed the aircraft. (Probably for the better, since there were SpecOps people aboard, it turned out!) However, not too much damage done, as the US didn't come in shooting at that point. Next came an interesting proposition.. Riki asked us which of three pieces of information we might want out of the following: A radio intercept, something about the clothing of the MV-22 pilot in our hospital, or photos of gear that the US were carrying out of the wreckage. We went for the ELINT, and got 'Helo, try again from astern, the package is anxious to leave'. We could only find a single surface radar contact from the emission point, turned out to be a Philippino freighter which we didn't have much reason to board. If it was a sub, it was too far for ASW operations. I'm not actually sure what the clue was. The item of clothing was apparently a bandage made from the Crown Prince's head-dress, some extremely circumstancial evidence, IMO. I still don't know what was in the box carried out of the wreckage, can anyone fill me in? We also had a choice as to how we could get 9th Bde across.. We could do it in little itty pieces, shipping them as soon as they got loaded, or wait 'till everyone was loaded, and then ship them across in one convoy. We chose the middle path, as soon as the first battalion was loaded, the Alligator set sail, with the eight frigate escort, and in company with a supply ship. Four of the frigates took up position in the convoy, the other four acted as escorts. To a radar, they were to look like a six-ship convoy with four escorts, we were hoping for some form of mild success in forcing the US to use up lots of missiles, or two strikes. As it happens, they made it across without being attacked, but back to that later. The Embassy Incident Mk2. Believe it or not, I firmly believe that what we did, even shooting the Crown Prince, was legal, if not exactly ethical. The distinguishment was between the phrase 'Sovereign Territory' (Not used) and 'Inviolate territory' (Used). Once we had been allowed in, I still think that our forces and police have the exact same powers as they would have outside the grounds. But anyway, we killed CP Omar (Two bloody 1-in-6 rolls.. One that the Bruneian policeman was an Omar supporter, the other that the Malay chap was a go od shot) and the shooting war started... Air Defense seemed to do a good job on the first attack on Kota Kinabula, considering the odds against. Well done. Four FACs went to the SW corner of the map, more to act as pickets that anything else, a single sub came with them. The other FACs were used to patrol the Borneo coastlines. The two remaining submarines were off the coast of Brunei. They were under strict instructions to stay in shallow waters, deep water was US territory, and I wasn't about to contest it in old diesel boats. I had planned on using a technique of using the two boats in a joint attack. In order to guarantee a hit on an amphibious ship, the boat had to be within 5 and a half miles of the targets, using two boats, one can 'spook' the targets towards the other boat, thus effectively having a seven or eight mile range. Alas, thus was not to be :-( At around this time, also, the Banana theme started running. I had given an estimate of air defense capabilities, then sent out a revision since I had made an error. One of me teammates (Scott, was it?) sent a chastising letter, punishing me by reducing my banana ration. After that, if anything went right, bananas were given all around, if something went wrong, banana rations were cut. Then Riki got into the spirit of things giving reports like 'A freighter has been sunk in Kota Kinabula, with Admiral Moran's entire Banana Supply' (Thus occasioning a silly email to all players, the first that the US side had heard of this phenomenon), or 'Kuching Naval base is out of commission, it will be a long time before we unload any more bananas here' and so on.. I should actually point out, at this point, that I bananas!!! (Sorry) Once the US got into the swing of things, they quickly enough gained Air Superiority. I should point out in retaliation to the US complaints that 'In the Real World' they would have had lots and lots of airplanes to throw at us, our thirty MiG-29s should have had Air-Air missiles with longer range and higher PKs (Adder vs AMRAAM (AMRAAM is actually a little faster which evens it out a bit) and Archer is vastly better than Sidewinder) but alas, due to the vagaries of computer Harpoon, we only had the early model Alamo AAMs, hence we weren't much of a problem. For the sake of trying to get the US to respond to us, and to try to perhaps get one of the AWACS, we tried the 'Suicide Attack.' I think we were singularly unfortunate in that both missiles missed, and I'm not sure if the airplanes should have made the run but I think possibly the big mistake was to divert the use of the hornets to striking at USS Benson instead of using their long-range AAMs to kill the F-16s and thus reduce our losses. Firing off salvos of 16 Harpoons at an Aegis ship gave predictably useless results.. . Actually, I don't think any of our bright ideas worked out correctly in the entire campaign! Talk about lousy luck! At that point, Steve, I think, came up with Operation Monkey Mountain, sending the guys with SA-7s to the golf course near the airbase. We sent in another couple by boat, what happened them? The frigate group started to head back towards Peninsular Malaysia, too late I thought of using two of the ships as SAM traps, they were on their way back to Borneo when the next strike went in. They then holed up in a cove on the route to Kuching, to work as a SAM trap there. (They were later sunk in the attempt) The other six ships were then given new orders... We were supposed to escort three ships from China to Malaysia, two carried DF-21 IRBMs with HE warheads, the middle one carried nukes. The catch was that it was obvious that we couldn't, militarily, do it. The only chance was to distract the US away from them.. We knew that the operation had been compromised, and that the US knew they were out there. We figured that they would be a priority target. The train of thought went somewhat like this.. :The US wants to sink the nukes.. If they sink the nukes, they'll stop looking for them. So let's let them sink some nukes. Hence I decided to escort some Neutrals sailing near the danger zone and who happened to be heading in the right direction. The other benefit was that the international community would probably object if the US sank them. The US could act with impunity, we couldn't stop them from doing whatever they wanted, but the UN might be able to enforce the geographical limits which the US ignored from day one. (This is not Malay propoganda, this is my simple belief. I also think that the US were lucky to get permission to start shooting so quickly, but I think that might just be human nature coming in there.. the Malays were the 'bad guys' and so the lurkers had to be biased to some degree. It's unavoidable) So, we escort the two vessels, with instructions to save the warships if at all possible. Sure enough, along comes the US and sinks basically everything in sight. Here I think is where I made the worst mistake of the conflict. We should have shut up. Instead, we gleefully announced to the world the US heavyhandedness, and how it has now killed neutrals and so on and so forth, and it even turned out that it was completely ineffective, for only then did we trouble ourselves to find out that the UN was powerless to stop the US. What we should have done was say nothing for the next day, allow our three ships to safely make port, and announce that the US had sunk the wrong ones. This would have given us another 8 IRBMs to lob at Cubi, and would have actually done some damage. (Did our single hit actually kill anything? We didn't know the President was there when we launched) However, the US then knew that they had hit the wrong ships, and commenced boarding ships on the open water to search them. The international community said nothing about this, either, to our mild surprise. However, the mission has to be considered a success there, as the nukes made it across, and there was an international backlash. The problem was that our escort for 9th brigade was now at the bottom of the sea. Unfortunately, I suppose, the point may have been moot, as the nukes were never used... A weapon unused is a useless weapon. My next Great Idea (TM) was to have a couple of aircraft pose as Indonesians over Great Natuna (Which we had made a trade for the rights to use, including their radar) and hit the AWACS from their escort. Unfortunately, their nationality was, erm, determined by the US. (Unrealistically, IMHO, there was no way for them to know who's aircraft they were. I have a feeling what happened was that Riki reported them there, but seeing as up until then no neutral fighters had likely been reported, the mere fact that this time they were would have been a giveaway. Something which I will note for my own campaign: Report ) SS-1 had the misfortune to be along the path of a US Submarine, they detected each other within only a mile or so, the result was mutual destruction. Financially to our benefit, but operationally, I wasn't overly happy. To cover, I brought SS-3 up from the SW. At this point, once the US had killed off the navy, and the air force we figured that they would just go ahead and drive the ships in then and there. We had to try to figure out a way of slowing them down, and we figured that mines would do the job. So, working on the principle of 'How many mines does it take to make a minefield? A: None, just issue a press release', we arranged to 'leak' an order to mine the area around Muara. Don't know if it worked or not.. the Alligator was heading back to the Peninsula to pick up some mines. For some reason of presumably complete stupidity, a US sub torpedoed one of our merchantmen (This itself is something I have a problem with, the US seems to have been exercising open warfare instead of a limited action, at least by sinking civilian shipping without warning). Worse, the sub was in shallow water, and in helo range of one of our airbases. I was finally pleased to have something for the navy to hang on the mantlepiece. (All the kills so far had been Air Force or Army). This was of one benefit.. It was the sub presumably waiting for the troopships to come out. (I had the troopships go West around Singapore the long way and so avoided the location of the sub anyay). To my amazement, the troopships, which had split up to avoid saying 'Convoy: Aim Here!' all made it to shore, and all unloaded. About half the FACs had been sunk by the US, the rest were hiding along the coast, not patrolling, but at least camouflaged. They were initially to hide near the Balabic straits, but I (Sadly) moved them in response to an estimated position of the US fleet to the North of Brunei (Actually, I can't remember how we estimated that one). In order to detect ships passing through the straits at night, I had considered a kind of 'mini-SOSUS' using tethered sonobuoys, but we went with a laser rangefinder. SS-2 got hit, presumably by a MAD contact off an SV-22. At that point new SOPs were issued to the remaining sub. One was a rather evil anti-attack-by-ASW-aircraft-plan, sadly never to be brought into effect, the other was to leave shallow water and go deep. The best chance of detecting the sub was by MAD contact, and since we had killed off two of the estimated three subs, and gotten a piece of the third, figured that deep water may not be such a bad place at that time. Eventually, the US fleet turned up, with an atrocious (sp?) anti ASW formation.. Calculations were made, SOPs set, and I went to bed confident of an LHA or LHD being sent to the bottom. Of course, keeping in with the luck of the Malaysians, a bloody ASW helo dunked right on top of us, and it wasn't as if we were directly in the path of the fleet. I would be curious to know what the ASW SOP was for the US side. Damn, thinks I as I get the email the next morning. Well, we have another thing to try... The 28 Exocets on the FACs. Using information provided by a helo, the FACs were to launch in Bearing-Only mode, for some reason the US fleet were transitting in total emcon, they would have only had about 30 seconds of warning, even Aegis couldn't stop it. Alas, due to GM error our surveillance assets were removed. The US sends in another massive airstrike, killing far more civilians than troops. Not good for publicity. I would also be curious to know what the bill is that the US taxpayer is going to have to fork out for all those missiles that the US was slinging about... I doubt Saudi would pay up this time! USN losses were on the order of 600 men, including 30 of which killed by their own side. (Twice desert Storm number of KIAs) (Did our SS-3 torpedoes kill anything), add in aircrews and Marines on top of that. Got to keep the voters happy.. I have no information after this point. I would be curious to know what happened the exocet strikes, if the Rooivalks with FLIR had picked up targetting data or not, and so on. I'm also sure I forgot to add something in, but doubtless someone will remind me.. Army and Air Force exploits that I didn't have much of a hand in have also been left out.... Riki, thanks for the game.. I know I probably sent your ISP nuts with the amount of mails, you got.. Just remember you'll have a chance to do the same to me next month! Everybody else, pleasure losing with you! DWH Manic Admiral Malay Moran Steven Sim: Yes it was a good game - thanks to one and all for a fine time. I was Air Commander and was faced with the choice of either getting my airbases slowly destroyed piecemeal or staking it all on one single effort. After the initial success of the strike against the Fenwick, I thought the US CVG would be in the vicinity and thus sent out a strike package against both ships and the AWACS. We were under pressure to get some visible success, so even though I didn't rate the chance of success highly, decided to go for it. I should have assigned some Hornets to go after that AWACS. After that, my Air Force evaporated. Thanks guys, it was fun losing with you (to quote the Banana man) :) Scott Mortimer As the Malaysian Army Commander I submit my AAR I started off being the commander of the forces in Brunei but after only a short time I managed to inherit the Army forces in a command shake up that made things much easier to control and also meant that those people who actually knew about boaty and birdy things could get on with the job. My first task was to subdue the rebellion that has unlawfully broken out against the rightful ruler of Brunei after the unfortunate loss of the sultan and the disappearance of the Crown Prince who was accused of the murder of the sultan. I dispatched one Bn to East Brunei, one bde to West Brunei, a coy to each of Muara and Tutong and the balance of a bde (-) to BSB. In retrospect I would have used additional troops in BSB but I underestimated the size and the ferocity of the renegade Royal Guards forces. The assault commenced at 7am and immediately ran into problems. Extensive use was made of smoke, however the royal guard infantry and snipers caused large losses in the assaulting companies. Many tanks and Stormers were disabled however the Royal Guard were pushed back to the vicinity of the US embassy which was being used as a stronghold. At 9am a cease fire was called to negotiate surrender. During the cease fire the US attempted to insert a special forces team by Osprey under the guise of attempting to send in medics and to evacuate their embassy staff. Despite being warned to land elsewhere and allow the medics to be transported by road the aircraft attempted to land on the embassy grounds, probably because of what would be found if it had landed elsewhere. The Malaysian PM had ordered that the Crown Prince was not to escape, and fearing that he may be in the embassy and that he would escape in the aircraft, the aircraft was engaged and shoot down. It was only intended that it would be disabled but it crashed and a number of people were killed and injured. Later the fighting resumed and with the two coy from Muara and Tutong the Royal Guard were defeated. A small number of prisoners were taken and others found in a house to house search. All were treated as POW eventually! The US again attempted to evacuate the Crown Prince under cover of the evacuation of the embassy staff and wounded, this time a search was made at an intermediate place and a Malaysian and a Bruneian taken on board to go to the embassy. The Malaysian checked the identity of the wounded and detected the Crown Prince. A gun battle then ensued in which the Crown Prince and the Malaysian were killed. After that the army basically deployed its forces as follows: Bn Group in Muara Bn Group in Tutong Bn Group in BSB Coy in East Brunei Bde in the Vic of Seria. This Bde was very ably commanded by Scott Gainer, from whom I received most of the ideas for the defence of Brunei. I invite him to write an AAR of his activities The plan was to patrol widely to locate Spec forces and entrench in the towns were the US would be forced to target civilians. We did not find too many Spec forces and the basic problem became that the forces were too spread out to stop a beachead being established. Unanswered bombing of most forces then occurred up until the assault, and the accuracy was amazing particularly as we had a reaasonable level of air defence. Oh well. Movement of troops to avoid satellites was a partial answer as we had Spec forces all over us, although we did get most of two teams in the end. 9 Bde despite all predictions and reason managed to reach Brunei unscathed, one Bn was deployed in Seria were it was carpet bombed repeatedly the others only arrived just prior to the assault and were making there way north when the CPX started. I was also the missile commander, however my desire to nuke Cubi Point till it glowed was overruled and only a conventional attack occurred, my justification was if the Malaysian people had not won the war they did not deserve to live! An added bonus would have been nuking the President, as that would have made it difficult for the US to fulfill the victory conditions as he would have been toast. Unfortunately I was away weekend warrioring when the CPX occurred so I am looking forward to other AARs of that stage. Overall the army managed the following: Destruction of the Royal Guard of 2 Bn Killed the Crown Prince Killed or captured 2 Spec war teams Scott M Jorge Arraya First of all, let me congratulate RT and all the other for what was my first CPX - I look forward to many more. I joined the US forces late in the conflict, shortly after the Malays made a run for our AWACS and while the hunt for the ship containing the missles was going on. Basically, as I took over I learned what this was all about. My job was actually quite simple. The AF already had air superiority, and it consisted mainly of assigning A/C to targets with their appropriate loadouts. I did help RT figure a couple calculations on what refuelers and the AF capabilities are, which perhaps if done earlier in the game would have made a difference. Unfortunately my access to email was limited, so my involvement didn't go as well as I would have liked. I joined the ground war at the beginning, being asigned Bravo Coy of the 31 MEU, but ended up commanding almost all of 31 MEU after Steve was unable to connect and get things going. The ground war seemed, at first, very one sided. As the Marines hit the beach, Commander Sterret and the rest of the people on our side (Barry, Steve) commented that we were all very unsure how the Malays had been able to reposition so many forces on the correct beach, at Muara. We sustained some losses under my command that were unavoidable. Unfortuately I lost my internet connection (which has been very unreliable lately after the hurricane) and was unable to get back on. All in all, I am looking forward to other CPXs. Commander Arraya Barry Summers: I was commander of the mission to get the Crown Prince out. Our idea was to fly in get the Prince and get out. Our other mission was to leave a SF team in BSB to act as advisors to the RG. I split my SF team into 2 team one city and one country. The city team was to fight with RG and country team was to raise hell in the country and try to link up with RG. Well, the Maylay Air Force stayed right on our butts and I could not insert my country team. My city team got shot down over the embassy. I tried everything to get the Maylays to let us land on the embassy. I told one of the maylay Air Force boys that I was Douglas MacAurther the IV to see if it would impress them. My plan which was over rode by higher was to land on one of the brigdes in BSB. March over to the embassy and march out with the US Flag flying and the Marines in full battle gear and the let the Maylay gun us down in the streets but I was told to land so I did. BOOM!!! I was also commander of the RG. RT did most of the fighting because I was slow but he fought them good. He set up OP as the first line then he had a stronger 2nd line. That was what I was going to do. The US command was very high on getting the RG to die in place. That is what we did. There was talk of getting the RG out into the country but we would not leave the Prince. After the downing of half of our SF team we began look for ways to use the other half. Part of our commanders plan was to fake the Maylays into thinking we were going to invade at Serria. So we HALOed inserted the 6 member team South of Serria. They move up to Serrria and scout around. Called in some air strikes then we moved down south to were found an HQ. We called in Air strikes and we moved to Bekia Swart or something like that. It was a river town. We found another HQ and called in an AIr strike and we also got re- supplied. We moved north and came into the Serria area and that where we stepped on a mine and we died Higher command had some idea that SF could get the people of Brunei to raise up against the Maylays. I did not think they would based on our intel so I never in my heart plan on our mission to be more than a recon. Force Recon about 2 to 3 days before invasion of Mura HALOed into Mura. Our mission was to recon the beach and to look for HQ's and arty. We also had the mission of getting the sinpers to cover the port. We did not get any sinpers to cover the port. The SEALS did. I put my FR into 2 teams. One to look at the beaches and the other to recon behind the beaches. I had already sent a guy to look at the bridge and port for demo before the Maylays and RT started trying to lose by telling us everything about their plans. The FR found some units that gave us a pretty good idea of what we faced. Most of the FR movement was slow and I did not take many chances. Lessons learned: Never let the person in charge of a Recon unit that has another mission that may have nothing to do with what Force Recon is to do. I commanded the Rangers in the CPX and our mission was to capture the bridge. I wanted to find out all I could about that area but is that what Force Recon is todo. I would grade myself at a B- on how I handle the SF and Force Recon. Barry Riki Tikki's AAR for the final CPX in the MBX: I sent this out to the TacOps list a couple of days ago but somehow it never showed up. :-• I don't know what's going on with that listserver these days but in the meantime I will just send this out to the MBX list directly. ****************************** June 18, 2008 AFTER ACTION REPORT BATTLE: Landing at Muara MAP: Map 502 FORCES: USMC vs. Royal Malaysian Army The following is a recap of Saturday's CPX which featured the (very ) long-awaited US Marine assault on Brunei on the island of Borneo. The master AAR for the entire MBX will follow in the next week or so. This report will be in 5 parts: 1) Situation 2) Game setup 3) The Battle 4) Results 5) Observations ************************************* I. SITUATION The Royal Malaysian Army's 4th Division, made up of two brigades of troops, had invaded the small kingdom of Brunei was preparing a defense against an expected amphibious or heliborne assault by U.S. Marines. The 1st Brigade (commanded by Brig. Gen. Gainer) occupied the western half of the country while the 2nd Brigade (commanded during the MBX by Gen. Mortimer) occupied the northeast (the capital region) as well as eastern Brunei. The U.S., with UN authorization, was sending troops to the region to evict Malaysian troops from Brunei. A U.S. Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) was tasked with establishing a beachhead somewhere along the Brunei coast allowing the main assault to arrive safely and commence its drive on the capital. This Marine landing was the battle represented by the CPX, and was ruled to be key to the entire "war." If it went smoothly, the U.S. would be able to build up its assault forces quickly and safely, in which case the liberation of Bandar Seri Begawan, the Brunei capital (BSB) was a virtual certainty. If it failed, the invasion might have to be put off or abandoned which would be a huge military and political setback for the U.S. Attached to the MEU were three companies of Ranger paratroopers, a detachment of SEALs and a special ops recon unit. The MEU was also supported by naval gunfire, 1 battery of 155mm Howitzers (once it arrived on shore) and 6 AV-8 Harriers. Carrier and land-based aircraft would provide CAP, as well as perform ground strike interdiction in other sectors. (While the latter strikes occurred "off-map," they were actually factored into the CPX in real time. See next section on game setup). Fairly early on, the U.S. had committed to the town of Muara (Sector 502-S) as the site of their landing. Right off the bat there were two strategic benefits of capturing this town: 1) it was a port, which would facilitate the unloading of the main invasion force, and 2) it was relatively close to the capital. As it turned out, there were critical tactical reasons for choosing Muara as well which became very apparent shortly before the battle, as you will see. (My guess is that the U.S. chose Muara for these tactical reasons, and any strategic benefits were probably considered icing on the cake.) The Malaysians, on the other hand, had not comitted (or gambled) on defending any one area, and instead dispersed its two brigades fairly uniformly throughout the country with strongpoints of resistance in the five major ports, particularly in Seria. (Seria actually had almost three times the defenses of any other locality, so if OPFOR was gambling on any one landing site Seria was it). This left a shoreline garrison in Muara of about 2 mech companies, a tank platoon and an anti-tank battery, supported by a single battery of 122mm arty. A couple of days before the battle, however, U.S. air strikes, under General Arraya's command and under Gen. Sterrett's supervision had wiped out a couple of platoons of infantry and all of the 122mm arty (thanks in part to the tireless satellite and photorecon efforts - supplied by ME!) Much of the remaining defenses were spotted by Force Recon units, commanded by Col. Barry Summers, and Ned Keneeder's SEALs had a hand in getting snipers to "scope out" the defenses in the town (sorry, couldn't resist the pun) as well as disarm many of the mines offshore. About the mines. Two rows of sea mines had been laid at Muara, one in the shallow waters along the beach, the other just east of 000 easting. Most of these mines were dummy mines, though a fair number of real ones were included in them. U.S. satellite recon had spotted the laying of these suspected mines, and planned to dismantle them by sending in a SEAL team to disarm/detonate them before the landing. Somehow these orders got lost and they missed their intended insertion on the 15th and instead inserted on the 16th, leaving the SEALs one less day to do their dirty work. The upshot was that some of the mines were still not cleared by the time the landing began. While the shore defenses were not terrifyingly large, the real threat would be the large number of reserve forces around BSB and at Patrol Base 4 (located between Muara and Tutong). BSB was only about 10 km away, or 15 min. travel time, and Patrol Base 4 was only 20 min. away. (Not including friction/inertia response time). In the final hours before battle, the following events took place which affected Saturdays' CPX: - At around 10:00 of the 17th, a patrolling Osprey managed to dip an active sonar within 2 miles of a Malaysian mini-sub (it was running a very tight search pattern, but still beat the odds) detecting and killing it before it could do any harm to the troop ships. The sub, hearing the approaching torpedos and realizing it was about to be sunk, did manage to do two things: 1) reported the position, composition (sort of) and heading (partially) of the U.S. fleet, representing the first confirmed contact of the amphibious vessels, and 2) fired two torpedos, sinking the only ship that was in range at that moment, an O.H. Perry frigate. (This, along with the Fletcher that was sunk some 10 days earlier, reduced the amount of naval gunfire available somewhat.) - At about 12:30 and 13:30, June 17, two single helos blundered into the U.S. fleet (due to a completely brainless GM error) and promptly got shot down, but not without first giving more information on the U.S. fleet and its heading. It was soon after this that the U.S. task force (PHIBRON 11) turned on all radars. - At about 16:00 hours, a Malaysian torpedo missile boat attack was launched and even though their impressive speed got them well within striking range of the troopships, their salvo of Exocet missiles failed to penetrate the AEGIS defense system of the U.S. task force. Once the missiles were fired the FACs were dead meat, and in the next few minutes the U.S. task force destroyed the last of the Malay navy and ensured a clear seaward passage to the Brunei coast (Er, well, except for the mines). - Also during the night, U.S. airstrikes destroyed several key command posts, including 4th Division Headquarters in the capital, adding a 30 minute delay for artillery, helos, and all other attached units. (I now realize I should have added 30 minutes delay to the response time of *all* 2nd Brigade units, which would have had a dramatic effect on our starting positions for the CPX, but later I felt this mistake was cancelled out by a number of other mistakes that hurt the OPFOR side -- such as the scanty briefing on the OPFOR situation prior to battle, and forgetting to use the IR-equipped Rooivalk helos to sight the U.S. task force and/or landing force during the MBX phase). 1st BN HQ, also in the capital, was also hit, so both companies of this Bn were delayed by 30 min. as well. - At 06:00 hours of the 18th, submarine and ship-launched TLAM Tomahawk missiles hit various telecommunications links and head-end radio towers that connected Malaysian Borneo with High Command and the Prime Minister on the Maylay Peninsula. While the effect of this was not felt right away, it had a dramatic impact on the way the battle ended, or at least on how the final phase of the war would have ended. - Also at 06:00, air force units from Cubi Point commenced broad-band radio jamming. This was not very effective, however, as the Malays prepared for this by setting up separate, secure landlines shortly after the conflict began. - Perhaps the most important successes of the pre-landing operations, however, were the air strikes on the bridges crossing the Sungai Tutong River near Kuala Abang and the one between Sectors K and L (see Sector Map). Destroying these bridges effectively delayed all of Malaysia's western forces from reaching the northwest (Muara area) for a period of at least an hour for mech forces (they were amphibious), and 8 hours for tanks... long enough that none of them would likely take part in the day's battle. This immediately made it clear [to me, at least] why Muara had been selected: with just a few targeted strikes on these inland bridges, it became completely unreachable by half of the Malaysian forces. - At about 06:15, 45 minutes before the landing, Malaysian shore patrols, equipped with thermal goggles, were able to spot the approaching LCACs and AAV7s some 30-45 minutes before the landing. It should be pointed out that Gen. Mortimer repeatedly forfeited many other types of supplies and equipment -- some of it considerably deadly -- so that he could equip as many patrols as posible with a few thermal goggles. It turns out this paid big dividends. The early detection helped compensate for the delays that so many Malaysian rear units suffered. - At 6:50, all mines not already disarmed were ordered to be detonated by the SEAL teams. - At 7:00 came dawn (well, in Tacops Land, anyway ) and the first of the U.S. MEU hit the beaches in the far southern edge of the map. It was at this point that we began our CPX. II. SET-UP In translating the above situation to a TacOps CPX, I pondered how to game things like sea lift operations, Malay artillery/ATGMs aimed out to sea at the landing craft and air interdictions in nearby sectors -- things that would be happening simultaneously with the main battle but would be happening "off-map." The solution I came up with was to game everything out a day or so beforehand -- all of the landing ops, off-map air strikes, even out-of-sector recon reports (the U.S. had a great many sorties looking for targets along the major roads in northern Brunei), using the map and various timetables to determine which units would find and kill which other units. I compiled lists all of these events and the time they occurred on separate slips of paper which I taped next to my monitor. THen, during the CPX, I would keep an eye on these crib notes from time to time and at the appropriate time report these events as if they were happening afresh. Hopefully this translated to an added richness of information surrounding the battle without losing any time gaming these events during the CPX itself. (I have not heard any comments about this so I cannot say whether it worked or not, but from a game mechanics point of view I can say it worked fine.) Timetable for reinforcements: As most of you know, there was a timetable that was put together and available on the MBX website (with help and approval from Jerry Hall) that attempted to reflect the lag time between the issuing of movement orders and the time they begin to be executed. As the table indicates, the lag time increases with the acceleration, direction, and size of the unit. So while a tank platoon might only take two minutes to change to a new speed or direction, a mech battalion might take fifteen minutes. This time interval is multiplied times the number of speed/formation changes requested, so that a dug-in (defilade) mech battalion ordered to proceed to a new location at 30 kph (4 speed shifts) would take 1 hour to begin moving at that speed (15 min. x 4). This formula was used to represent the various amounts of planning, preparation, radio traffic, logistics concerns, traffic snarl-ups, and other assorted friction that may come up in military maneuvers (actually, according to Leonard who authored a book on this subject, these figures are probably extremely optimistic ). The result was a list of each separate company and recon unit in the Malaysian 2nd Brigade (the easternmost force) and the time at which they could arrive on Map 502 once ordered to go there (Delay of orders was added on top of this). I sent this list to Gary shortly before game time, seeing as a good S3 would have figured out all these things themselves at some point (right?). I actually meant to send them the night before, but could not because the calculations took me much longer to get through than expected. As far as setup, I weighed the advantage of keeping these units off the map and adding them as they arrived or having them already on the map but having them show up in the player's sitrep reports and possibly in the U.S. spotreps. I decided to go with the latter approach, opting for speed of game play over surprise. As it turned out, the U.S. should have been able to see a great many of those off-map units anyway due to their having a fair number of troops both on and off-map in the southern region of Map 502-S, and northern 502-R. Once the list of entry times was compiled, I lined up all these units along the southwestern portion of the map -- and had them crawl along that edge until their appointed time to enter, at which point they would enter the map at the highway going north at the appropriate time. Both teams were informed that units touching the south edge of the map were all actually "off-map" and not yet in the sector, which I admit may have been a confusing concept to spring on people. (Being pressed for time I did not have the chance to explain my modelling procedure in detail.). People seemed to ride with it, though. :-> The time of OPFOR's first confirmed sighting of the landing was calculated to be 30 minutes before the first U.S. units hit the shore, or 06:30, based on the fact that the shore patrol was equipped with IR goggles and that there were no other seaborne landings of any consequence happening anywhere else to act as a decoy. The narrow sea lane and nighttime navigation to the beach slowed the U.S. approach down somewhat during the last 3 kms or so, giving the Malays another 15 minutes lead time on top of that. This equalled a 45 minute early warning, which partly cancelled out the friction/inertia time as described above (generally 45 min.- 1 hour for most units). The remaining delay was thus mostly attributed to simple speed and distance from the sector, which was around 15 minutes for BSB units, and 25 minutes for Patrol Base 4 units. This resulted in several companies of reinforcements arriving at about 07:17 from the south and arriving in 5 to 10 minute intervals thereafter. Timetable for airstrikes: Using a rough table I had worked out with Jorge Arraya (US Air Commander) to figure out how much time U.S. aircraft could remain over Brunei airspace without running out of fuel, I guestimated which of these aircraft would be in which part of Brunei at what time, and for how long. I drew these out on an acetate overlay on my computer screen showing the GroundOp4 map (large map of Brunei showing Malaysian deployments). Then, using the time-of-entry list for the Malaysian ground units that I just created, I figured out which ground units these aircraft might have a chance of spotting, factoring in terrain, roads and basic "gut" guessing. I then rolled the dice to see if the pilots spotted them or not (33% if 2 pltns or less, 50% if a coy or so, and 67% if more than 2 coys.) Out of about 20 ground targets enroute to Sector S (mostly company sized), the U.S. spotted about 6 of them from 7:40 to 1:05. I then played out these six air strikes in a separate TacOps simulation (factoring in any casualties already incurred during the MBX) and learned how many units suffered losses, and the nature of the losses. I then entered these findings to my timetable of arriving reinforcements, so that everything off-map was compiled onto one master list, which I referred to frequently during the game. For the most part this worked pretty smoothly and was easy to follow, once it was compiled. I had a similar system worked out for the landing procedure. However, the MEU's landing orders arrived much later than originally requested and were not as complete as I had hoped (my fault for not being more specific). There were also a few discrepancies between them and the overall Invasion Plans as laid down by James, which took me a long time to sort out. The result is that I stayed up all night trying to piece together a landing schedule that was faithful to the situation at hand but I finally just chucked the whole thing and "winged" the entire landing operation by nudging units forward across the water every now and then. This led to much of the MEU arriving late or simply being unattended to at times, another umpiring gaff, but I felt it was the best I could do given the amount of "homework" that I did not expect to be doing during the CPX. In order to have some way of modelling durability of the ships (An LCAC might be toast with a single ATGM, but an LCU might take several such hits) I created a fairly arbitrary system but one that might work very accurately in the future with a little research. For landing craft, I used a large stack of M113s to represent LCUs, the logic being that it would take a fair number of hits to sink the whole thing, and pairs of Blackhawks to represent the faster LCACs (since in TacOps I needed units that could travel over water more quickly than the average vehicle and could be quickly identified from the land units they were carrying.) Their cargo was placed up at the top of the map, in a safe sector out of sight of OPFOR during the approach to the beach. As the LCACs and M113s arrived at the beach, I would magic move the ferried units in the safe sector to the beach. These are just a couple of examples of the ideas I was forced to come up with to make the ampbibious transition work. As it turned out, the game involved a *great deal* of improvisation, which I tried to explain here and there as I went along but for the most part could not until this moment. :-< About all I could do was simply warn the players (especially the U.S., who were no doubt extremely curious about what the hell was going on with their landing) that I was improvising as I went, and to please just go with the flow on this. (In other words, "trust me.") I have a feeling that this was a source of much frustration for the control freaks on the U.S. side, but if they were they were nice enough not to complain too much. :-> III. THE BATTLE U.S. Plan: I expect James and Steve will be able to explain their choice of maneuvers with some detail, but the basic plan, from my POV, appeared to be: 1) Insert two blocking force detachments off-map, one just east of the map and one just to the south, to intercept approaching reinforcements. 2) Land Ranger paratroopers in the rear areas to hold key strongpoints like the river town, the town where the main roads intersect, and the southern flank where the highway entered the map. (Another advantage of assaulting Muara: no need to cover the northern flank). 3) Have SEALS detonate any mines at H - :10. 4) Zero Hour. Three companies of AAV7s (A, B, C) would hit the southernmost point along the beach, and fan out in three directions to the northeast and east. Each company consisted of 9 AAV7s loaded with 9 13-man inf. units, 6 SMAW, 6 MGs and 6 ATGMs. 5) 4 LCACS would follow, bringing the Marine's tank platoon. 2 more LCACs would follow after that, dropping off Hummers (HMG, LMG, AT, etc.). This was the HQ Company. 6) 4 CH-53 helos would ferry in a platoon of LAVs, to the same beachhead in the south. 7) 2 LCUs would arrive and land a large portion of the remianing LAVs, LAV-ATs, and mortars. 8) Naval gunfire of 2 batteries of 60 HE (reduced somewhat because the U.S. lost two ships en route) would hit shoreline defenses. 9) 6 AV-8 Harriers were on call, 4 min. away providing CAS. 10) During this battle, all U.S. air assets based in the Philippines were assigned to ground force interdiction in the western and interior portions of the country. 11) The naval task force, with the far-reaching umbrella of its AEGIS ships, would provide AD for the ground troops. This I somehow missed in the initial orders which caused a huge argument during the later stages of the battle. More on that later. (!) The Malaysian Plan: No formal plans were submitted for the OPFOR side of the CPX, only general plans of intent. Which makes sense, since they did not know where the battle was going to take place. For the most part the standing orders sufficed. During the MBX, the OPFOR team was clear about what they needed to do to defeat the U.S.: Since they could not commit troops to any beach in any great numbers without knowing the landing site beforehand (which they never did learn), it was up to the shoreline garrison to contain the landing and delay its advance long enough for the rest of their forces to converge and amass firepower, hopefully overwhelming the Marine units more quickly than the U.S. could land them. During the early weeks of the MBX, General Mortimer gave a general intent for the main forces in Muara and Tutong to be stationed in and around the port towns, with a few platoons of infantry along the beaches. Tanks were to be in overwatch/support positions behind the infantry, and anti-tank batteries were to be positioned along the exit routes from the port to the east (TacOps east). Artillery was supposed to be even further to the east, but the arty in Muara was destroyed several days before the landing. Free to interpret these orders as I saw fit (no grid coordinates were sent to me), the shoreline garrison at Muara consisted of the following: - 2 mech companies (-) with two platoons in the port area, two thinned-out platoons at 030048 overlooking the high ground in the north (they had been carpet bombed by iron bombs two days earlier), and two or three other platoons in the mangroves near the beaches with LOS out to sea. - A tank platoon entrenched in overwatch position near the east-west road at 04 easting. (A good location, as it turned out). - An anti-tank battery (125mm) spread out in entrenched positions along the north side of the road from 04 easting to the "crossroads town." - A battery of 122mm artillery in the patch of jungle at 08 easting. 07:00 - The Landing Begins: The battle began with AAV7s hitting the beach in a long single file at 029000, as Alpha then Bravo companies arrived safely on the beach. The entire landing procedure was spotted the whole time by an infantry platoon at 031011, just 500 meters north, but they did not ambush any of the AAV7s. Rather, they laid in wait and reported all of the landing activity throughout much of the game and only ambushed some Hummers later on. (GM error - I had the firing rnges set to zero. As it turned out it may not have been a bad thing, as an early ambush would have most likely led to an early death from combined fire and naval gunfire support and the two other AAV7 companies, imho, but who knows?) While this was going on, SEAL snipers were picking off infantry in Muara (which took awhile, as they were near the end of their range)... and directing naval gunfire to the various infantry positions spotted up near the town. Barry's Rangers were succeeding in all of their initial assignments, as A company had taken over the west side of the river town and was in the process of shooting and killing the AT team on the east side... C company was assaulting the crossroads town... and B company was in the south getting ready to ambush any forces that broke through the blocking force in the adjoining Sector R. Fighting in Sector R: At about 7:15, the first of the reinforcements showed up in sector R, about 3 km south of the 502-S map edge (which corresponded to the town at 075040 on an identicle map 502 ). This was a recon patrol (from Patrol Base 4) and an AD platoon. The recon patrol was immediately despatched by Blocking Force South and the AD unit ran and hid, waiting until mech company 2BDE/2/B) and a tank platoon close behind it (2BDE/C/2) moved in. While the blocking force managed to get in another couple of kills on the Malay mech company, the tank platoon kept most of the force suppressed, allowing the mech units to regain the initiative and consolidate their fire. The mech company and the tank company could have waited to finish them off, but I received no orders to do so so they continued northward and into Map 502-S. Five minutes later, two tank companies arrived in Sector R from BSB just behind the other units. The blocking force was heavily attritted by these tanks, but the remnants would make for more of a nuisance later. (This fighting was all pre-gamed on Friday night) Reinforcements arrive: As soon as C company set foot in 502-S, it was attacked by javelins from Barry's B company Rangers. They missed in their first volley, actually, and once again the 2 companies (+) of tanks which were arriving helped suppress and partially kill them as both they and the mech coy drove north along the main road. At this point Malay casualties were light to moderate, with more than half of each of these units still intact. That changed by the time these units reached the two towns to the north, where Barry's Rangers were continuing to work over the AT battery at the river town and had now taken over the crossroads town. A bloody close-range battle ensued at both locations which killed off most of the mech coy and a good half of the tanks. Gary ordered a pair of APCs stationed with the AT units at 042045 to return eastward and crush the snipers in the river town, which they began to do obediently, but were later lost to either LAAW fire fomr nearby infantry, or sniper fire (believe it or not). The two towns were steadfastly held by the U.S paras, a thorn in the side of OPFOR that never went away. The Marines Claw their way inland: Safely circumventing the shore ambush points (which they managed to avoid out of sheer luck, or perhaps they knew about them from reports sent to them days before during the Force Recon maneuvers) the three AAV7 companies fanned out east and north. The ill-fated Charlie Company moved north to take the "military compound" at 044035, but got hit in the face with AT fire from the north side of the east-west road and by tank fire from the tiny patch of jungle at 042042, also near the east-west road. The troops quickly dismounted, but had difficulty getting out of the line of fire from those two units. A few minutes later, around 7:30 or so, Malaysian 122mm artillery arrived and was ordered to pummel the dismounts at the compound. Alpha company didn't fare a whole lot better: At about 7:33 a pair of Rooivalk helos (Havocs) arrived and cuaght their AAV7s emerging from the mangroves near the north side of the swamp, killing all of their vehicles. The helos were pounced on by Harrier AV-8s a minute or two later in an airstrike intended to hit the 122mm arty. Anyway, one helo was shot down while the other miraculously got away. A ZSU battery staved off another two Harriers from hitting the artillery, and somehow the artillery battery survived that strike. (Here there may have been some confusion on my end - I may have been given standing orders to keep hitting the arty but I think I only sent in that one strike. I'm not sure). The surviving Rooivalk was sent north to survey the extent of the U.S. advance, but once it reached the northern edge of the map it seem it was completely forgotten about (I forgot about it, too) and was never used again during the battle. Bravo Company, which lagged behind the other two and moved more cautiously, was still intact and was taking up positions on the eastern side of the swamp. (NOTE: I'm not sure whether or not the movement was truly "cautious" on the U.S. part or "forgetful" on mine. I may have simply forgotten where it was supposed to be going and neglected to move it. :-/). More landings: By 7:30 the LCACs had arrived, leaving a platoon of M1 tanks and the Hummer-AT and -mortar carriers on the beach. One LCAC hit a mine, sinking a platoon of HUmmer mortar carriers and Hummer-ATs). 4 CH-53s had also just dropped off a platoon of LAV-25s, the first of several platoons to come. All these units were sitting there for quite some time (again, due to umpire forgetfulness) before finally being re-ordered to move them to various destinations inland. Here is when the first beach ambushes occurred, as the infantry at 031011 finally opened fire and started killing off some of the Hummers. By 7:30 the LCUs were reported nearing the shore (they were stuffed with 8 LAV-ATs and 8 LAV-Mortar carriers). The SEALs, meanwhile, after killing off the only targets it could see began to get bold and move closer to the town of Muara along the northern docks. It promptly ran into a firefight with a pair of mech units there, but the mech units were ultimately suppressed then killed by naval gunfire. The port was far from taken, but it was a start. Off-map death: Perhaps the biggest factor in the game wasn't really gamed. It was the off-map airstrikes that were worked out the night before. Four sightings were made between 7:35 and 8:00, all of them significant, all of them leading to massive carnage. 2nd BDE/1 BN B coy was completely eliminated. 9th Bde/A and B tank companies, 2nd Bde/2BN/A and 3BN/A mech companies all took heavy losses, leaving them at about half strength when they entered the Muara sector. The back-breaker was when the U.S. ordered a pair of Cobras forward to strike an approaching tank company that had just been reported by the southern blocking force in sector R. The cobras took up a perfect position at 072012 at the foot of the hill, enabling it to hit units proceeding down the road with almost no risk of return fire and out of sight of the SAM units that had arrived on the high ground. From that position it was a non-stop turkey shoot, with a massive slaughter of OPFOR's companies as they moved onto the map. These losses were a key factor, imo, because they cut down enough critical mass to prevent them from overcoming the heckling Ranger infantry/sniper fire that they encountered when they entered the two towns in the north. These sniper units decimated the survivors of these companies to the point of reducing the entire flow of reinforcements to merely a trickle. Psych-Ops: All the while, the U.S. was getting reports from its Blocking Force and its Rangers (B Company) in the south about all these "companies" of apcs and tanks arriving on the main highway, headed northward, about one new company or battery of some sort every five minutes. I learned later that this information was very unnerving, as one could well imagine, but what was not reported was that these "companies" had been greatly attritted in most cases, either due to previous fighting in BSB against the Royal Guards, U.S. air attacks (BSB air base, Patrol Base 4, etc.), or the current air interdiction strikes which were turning out to be quite devastating. This little bit of "friction" (not reporting attrition) was not intentional, I just didn't have the time to add this detail, and "company" was more accurate than "platoon," but in manay cases it would have been a close call between those two words. Yet the friction seemed real to me, in a way. (Why wouldn't radio operators make the same hasty ommision?) Gary's "Right Hook": It was midway through the battle that Gary made it clear what his intentions were: to drive his forces along the fastest routes possible (the roads) punching through the towns to the north then west into Muara, which they still held, then turn south and hit the beach landing from the north. Had the flow of reinforcements not been so delayed or thinned out during the battle, this plan might very well have been pulled off. One tank company almost succeeded in acomplishing that plan single-handedly. The tanks - Scorpions from the 9th Bde, I believe - slipped by the Rangers while they were engaging other units. They were seen by the Marine's Charlie Compnay heading toward Muara but they couldn't do much about it because they had problems of their own -- tanks and AT fire and arty landing on their heads. The Scorpion tanks meandered through Muara, survived the naval gunfire which was targetting it, then proceeded south through the mangroves and were about 1 km. away from a perfect firing position that would have devastated the remainder of the landing but for the fact that they were unluckily spotted by the M1 platoon which had passed by it on the opposite side of a mangrove (to the east). The M1s opened fire first, into its rear, killing half the tanks. The Scorpions fired back, and killed 2 M1s (which even these T-55s could do since they were firing into the M1's rear) but the next two rounds of return fire from the M1s finished them off. A potentially bloody moment on the shores just barely averted! It was at this point that I could see Gary's plan possibly working very well, if only he were able to muster enough forces to reach that location. The Later Phases: At around 7:35 the 155mm arty became available to OPFOR (after having their orders lost in the confusion of the destroyed Division HQ ) and began hammering the shore area where the Marines had been landing. By this time, however, most of the amphibious units were ashore and already fanning out along the beach. It was difficult to target these types of units. A couple of more ambushes or two occurred along the shoreline as the fanning out of the Hummers and LAVS uncovered more of the hidden Malay infantry. At 7:45 an LCU struck a mine and was damaged, though I never did complete my calculations as to how many units were destroyed. Probably not too many - they were LAVs, which can swim on their own. At around 7:50 an incident happened which I am sorry to say was a total screwup on my part. Shortly before the battle, the Malays had begun to deploy the last of their secret weapons acquisitions from China... a squadron of 7 MiG-21 (F7) Shenyang fighters. Against all odds, this squadron had survived the war and had just fueled up at the (abandoned) civilian airport in Seria, and was en route to the battle scene. The only munitions they had were air-to-ground ordnances (cluster bombs) so they were completely defenseless against air attacks, and hence lost 3 more aircraft from two F-18s that just happened to be within intercepting range with enough fuel to pursue them. This left four planes remaining to hit the Marines on the beaches (or wherever). But... when I reported their arrival near the sector the U.S. went bullsh*t! and promptly reminded me that their AEGIS defense system from the ships was to take care of such threats. I did not recall that in their orders so I probably just didn't read them or read them and forgot about this, but apparently this was a key point of their defense plans so I couldn't rule against it. My only dismay is that the whole Shenyang saga was an incredible bother, all for nothing, and would be just one more heartbreak to a team felt it did not have much of a chance of inflicting much damage, let alone winning the war. Had I been aware of this ahead of time, I would have come up with some other idea to make the playing field seem a little more level, but it was too late by that point to do anytning about it. By 8:00, the situation looked bleak indeed for OPFOR. Nearly every company-size unit had been pummeled almost as soon as it entered the map (thanks to the spotting by the Blocking force South and the infantry of Ranger B company) and was unable to muster anything that could be considered a line of defense that might ultimately contain a Marine breakout. The U.S. had most of B coy AAV7s still intact which was on its way to linkup with the B Rangers across the swamp, thus putting a solid clamp on the faucet of reinforcements that might well have lasted for hours. Most of D Company (LAVs) was intact, as was the headquarters company (Hummers) which were sweeping through the Mangroves now in a sweep-and-search effort to root out any last spotters and firmly secure the vital beachhead area. C Company was almost completely shattered, but were finally getting their SMAW teams into the action and getting the upper hand on the tanks to the north. The M1s were now all dead, having taken AT shells in the side as they emerged from the mangroves. Cease-fire! At 8:07 Gary called for a cease-fire and asked to meet with the senior U.S. commander. Perhaps he did this in hopes of bluffing his way to some kind of draw in which he could regroup for a battle at some point later on (just conjecture on my part, I don't know). In any case, he was not surrendering. I think it was a chance for him to feel out the other side's resolve. (again, conjecture). When the U.S. Commander responded with the modern-day version of MacAuliff's "Nuts!" Gary huddled once again in his headquarters in conference with his staff and then commanded that the missiles -- YES, the NUCLEAR ONES! - be launched on command at Cubi Point! This order I had to deny, as only the Prime Minister could authorize this and he was cut off from Army command due to the massive C3 strikes earlier. (Gary would ordinarily have been allowed to play the PM role in addition to his Army Commander role, but being cut off made this a moot issue). NOTE: What Gary may have suspected but did not know was that the U.S. had an SOP to launch a retaliatory nuclear strike against *any* Malaysian missile launch automatically. Gary's order would therefore have won a Malaysian victory -- at the cost of Malaysia! Thus, the C3 strikes by the U.S., in a way, was an act that ended up saving a significant portion of the planet from glowing in the dark for the next 2000 years! With this option denied, Gary gave a single order: "withdraw to BSB." There was much discussion over the meaning of this word "withdraw", versus the word "retreat," and I myself wondered about it. (My favorite definition was Rocky's: The other guy retreats... *we* withdraw! ) In any case, the battle was over. And so, in effect, was the war. IV. RESULTS With the Malays on the retreat - er, I mean *withdrawing*, the securing of all of the U.S. CPX victory objectives were a certainty -- except for the most difficult one: the ability to push on and pursue OPFOR. I did not feel the U.S. had quite the horsepower to muster this safely. A and C companiese were in a shambles, and there was still some weeding out to do in the mangroves and in Muara and along the northern road before the beachhead could be termed 'secure.' There were also SAMs to ferret out in the north jungle near the rocky shore. These operations, while not a problem for the U.S, would have been somewhat time-consuming with the forces they had left. However, given that the U.S. not only cleared the map (by forcing a retrea- harumph - withdrawal) but captured a port, one of the two ports closest to the capital... and did so with less than 1/3 losses (32% I believe was the tally. I think Malaysian casualties were around 45%)... this battle has to be considered an unqualified Major Victory, with strong promotion-worthy commendations (er, pending the outcome of the War Crimes Trial! ). The overall MBX results are slightly less clear, and I will need some time to ruminate on them. That will be the final chapter of the MBX AAR, which is my next and final chore. . V. OBSERVATIONS While we certainly had more than enough people to conduct an MBX, the players who couldn't make it were missed -- if only because of their presence being felt so strongly during the MBX playing. I would have liked to see what cockamamie ideas Nick would have come up with, or how Scott Mortimer would have done, or what kind of trouble Deven would have gotten into . It's like if you were to coach a team all through the season, you kind of miss people if they're not there for the championship game. :-< This may not have changed the results, but I would have liked the added comeraderie of having more of the MBX players participating in this little gala. I understand from James that the pace of this CPX was once again excrutiatingly slow compared to most CPXs. (I meant to run another training game on Friday night but ran out of time). While I continue to be painfully frustrated by my lack of abilities in this regard, I was encouraged by Steve Althouse's remark that this CPX sought to accomplish a lot more than the usual CPX, or certainly more than the ones I have run in the past. There were quite a number of simultaneous events to keep track of, both on and off-map, and the improvisational aspect (sh*t! An LCU just hit a mine -- how do I calculate the results of that?) was something that should be factored in as well, I think. Also, there were a couple of times where unfamiliar rules or situations inititated very long discussions which stopped the game mid-stride. With this in mind, I feel less ashamed at my pace and actually rather proud I pulled it off at all. :-> At any rate, I was encouraged enough not to give up on CPX umpiring, which I have come close to doing many times. >From what little I've heard so far, it appears the players, or at least the two C.O.s, were not happy with the way this CPX was run. On the U.S. side the reports were not informative enough, and on the OPFOR side Gary felt ill-informed about the events leading up to the CPX. I have to agree with both of them. The latter problem was merely one of time -- I ran out of it. So I couldn't get Gary the detailed reports he wanted. That is a problem of time-management, not a disagreement, really. Hopefully I will plan my time better in the future. The other problem -- not supplying useful information in my reports -- is something I am having a difficulty getting a handle on. I think I may have to play in a few more of James' CPXs and see how the master does it. It's a left-brain, right-brain thing, maybe, I don't know. Even James had difficulty describing what was lacking for him. Anyone else want to take a shot at it? Go ahead, I'm tough - I can take it! (NO I'M NOT REALLY -- PLEASE BE EXTREMELY GENTLE AND CONDESCENDING! ) Stay tuned for the El Monstero AAR, as Nick calls it, for the entire MBX. I look forward to hearing from those of you who participated who have not yet offered comments on the game. It will be a great help to me and to other MBX umpires in the future to know what went right and what went wrong with this one. Riki James Sterrett's AAR: I took over as US CO after our first major airstrike. I was the third person be be US CO. At the point I took over the active players were myself, Deven Combs as intel officer, Barry Summers in Special Ops, and Steve Althouse as President. I commanded the bulk of land, air, and naval forces for most of the game in theory. In practice, this was far too much work. While the Phibron was moving towards Brunei I ignored it, and Jimmy Gager took over the Navy before it got there. Similarly, I ignored the land forces, other than the Special Forces (which were under Barry's command), until we got near Brunei; by which time Jorge Arraya had already arrived and taken over the Air Force. I'd like to thank everybody who stuck with the side the whole way through; it was a bit of a marathon. If anybody else had dropped out, or if Jimmy and Jorge had not arrived when they did, it would probably have been all over for me, from administrative overload. Before the first airstrike I had been in and out as an advisor, during the flight of the V-22 the Malays shot down (with an SF team intended to link up with the Brunei RG and lead them in a guerilla war), and the second flight, intended to extract our casulaties during the fighting the the capital, our embassy staff, and the Prince. This of course ended with the Malays murdering the Prince. (Regarding their claim that they had the right to go onto the Embassy "as policemen" - this explains the freedom of the KGB to explore the US Embassy in Moscow and rifle through the cabinets of the CIA Chief of Station? Their blowing away our first Osprey was a clear act of war.) Anyway, we gave a set of orders that was far to complex for the first air strike, and it exploded in our faces with a total loss of coordination. We reformed our orders style to be clear, simple, and easy for RT to understand intent and contingencies, which served us well thereafter. Our overall mission was to land, take a port, and secure the landing map up to the N-S road, to allow the heavy division loaded on the transports in the Carrier battlegroup to land and crush the Malays. It was obvious that our operations had to proceed in a series of stages: 1) Gain air superiority - complete if possible 2) Gain naval superiority - complete if possible 3) Prepare the battlefield - mislead the enemy as to our landing site if possible 4) Assault the beach 1 and 2 became necessarily somewhat intermingled and the last bits of 2 lingered until the landing itself. My biggest fear was that the Malay Air Force, SAMs, and Navy would hide, en masse, in Brunei/Borneo, waiting for an opportunity to launch an immense, massed strike against our troop transports. Fortunately for us, they did not do this, and chose to lose their Air Force and Navy piecemeal (and overall to very little effect, although we were rather afraid of continuing the loss rate of the first strike - which would have ensured our defeat.) We steadily rolled the Malay AF back through Borneo and nearly launched an immediate followup onto the Malay Peninsula (the TLAM strike was meant to be part of a larger, aborted, raid, IIRC.) The other major strike on the Malay peninsula that almost occured at least twice, but didn't through comms foulups, was to use F-117s to blow away the various transports at Johor Barahu. Most of the Malay Navy got fried in the initial stages of the battle, despite drafting neutral shipping in as shields. The rest hid; we kept looking. I chose Muara as a landing site early on for these reasons: 1) Muara had a port 2) Muara looked to be a site we could easily isolate from the rest of Brunei through a solid airpower campaign, which would hopefully allow us to land facing only the local defence and not reinforcements (though, just as the Malays assumed RT might not let them sink our transports, I assumed RT wouldn't let the isolation/deception campaign actually work, to ensure opposition.... ) 3) Seria was the other really obvious target; it was far from Muara, and would make a good deception effort Thus our preparatory bombing tried to concentrate on Malay positions around Seria, and actions intended to isolate Seria. In and around this we had the strange interlude of hunting for the Malay/Chinese nuclear missiles, which went about as well as we could have hoped on the basis of the info provided I suppose. Towards the end, as the result of a lot of effort on Deven's part, he had teams closing in on the nukes. As we got ready to land, I wanted the Air Force and TLAMs to hit the following: - every telecommunications link in northern Borneo - every Malay HQ in eastern Brunei - all the bridges between Seria and Muara - and then interdict the roads leading to Muara, during the landing The Rangers were to drop in and secure the river bridge and the N-S road. The Marines would land on the beach and move to secure the beach area, and then link up with the Rangers. Sniper teams from the SEALs and the Force Recon elements operating on the landing map were to assemble and kill the Muara city garrison with sniping. Two blocking forces were deployed, one off the east edge of the landing map, one off the south edge, with a number of MGs and Javelins, to ambush and slow approaching enemy forces. Shortly before we landed (all the above already planned), the Malays tried what looked like a decapitation strike against the President, launching a salvo of IRBMs at the airport where he had just given a press conference. We eventually did not fry all of Malaysia for this, but did leave nuclear forces on Launch on Warning, so that the next missile launch by Malaysia would result in their complete and utter destruction. In addition, I did a bit of planning for the nuclear support of the landing. This would have entailed: 1) a large (10MT+) spaceburst for EMP over Borneo 1.5 hours before we landed, with our forces finishing taking appropriate protection measures 10 minutes before the burst. This would have rather ensured the Malays had no communications at all (their landlines would have been wonderful antennae for the EMP.... 8) ) 2) low-airburst tactical nuclear weapons (10kT or less) for use in the interdiction strikes 3) possibly a small tactical nuke (1-10kT) to support the Ranger airdrop, well off the ground to minimize residual radiation In the event of nuclear release Malaysia would have ceased to exist, which would ease the task of follow-on forces. The SF activites had gone reasonably well; the SF team near Seria providing support to our deception (though a bit more terminally than intended!), and the Force Recon and SEALs worked on scouting and preparing the landing area. Good work, Barry. The landing itself proved to be a minor nightmare, since the Malays got earlier warning than we had expected and their HQ deception worked. Thus we had to face a lot more on the map than we had hoped; fortunately our interdiction did a lot of work, and then we were saved by the Ranger's sniper rifles (!!) I thought we were in pretty desperate straits, but when Gary asked for a cease-fire, I figured the Malays must actually be worse off - and he made the mistake of asking Rangers, who are a bit nutso anyway. Thus, in the end, we cleared and secured our map having done plenty of damage to the Malay force in eastern Brunei. The heavy division is free to land and we can wave as their hordes of M-1s, Bradleys, and Apaches head off to teach the Malays a further lesson in pain. MBX mission accomplished, and most of Malaysia's carefully built-up military already so much wasted money and scrap metal. ======== Lessons: 1) KISS: When our planning got complex or off-the-wall, it almost always blew up in our faces. Simple, intent-based orders worked best. This did not preclude some moderately sophisticated operations, but they had to be simple in concept and execution so that RT could keep track of them and implement their intent intelligently. 2) All-arms integration in pursuit of a single goal. Our forces generally all fought with the same goals in mind, and the bulk of the steps we took were all oriented towards the same goal. This did not appear to be the case on the Malay side, where the Army, Air Force, and Navy seemed to each fight a separate war. 3) Keep a sense of humor. This was often an immensely frustrating game, and I apologize to RT for my periodic Sense of Humor Failures. 4) Keep more players in the game.... one of the major reasons much of this MBX became a chore for me was burnout from overload. 5) Scott Gainer's comments regarding the need to keep the MBX contained and better defined from the outset were quite dead on target. Jimmy Gager's AAR: Here is my perspective of the MBX/CPX game: I joined late as the Commander of Naval Forces, Bruinei Theater of Operations. When I came aboard, the Malays had altready sunk a DDG and an SSN. Of course I was itching for revenge, to strike back immediately. However, after getting a ton of mail from RT, to try and get me up to speed, I realized there were bigger fish to fry than simple revenge. My first order of business was to sort out the ASW screen for Phibron 11, the amphibious assault battle group. As I read the web site, there was also a complete CVBG involved. I could not wait to get these assets into action. I was soon to learn that these forces were not mine to command. A little background here. I have played computer Harpoon since the game came out. I was also involved with Kesmai's beta test of Harpoon On Line (HOL) so I have played against computer AI as well as human opponents. I had learned that the best laid plans of mice and men..well, you get my drift. In my experience, a large powerful force, with a mission of power projection can be decimated by a single sub, if you are not prepared to deal with a sub-surface threat. They tend to show up when you least expect it. So my first order was to implement the maximum effort in ASW. This meant every ASW asset available would be on station, as much as was possible. In addition, once again through my Harpoon experience, I knew that emmiting radar or sonar would announce our presence to the world. Standing orders were to remain on an inactive sensor staus until further notice, or if attacked. I knew if we were actually attacked, our location was probably known, so active emmisions would not matter. My philosoph is, its a big ocean out there, and they would have to come and find me. I felt it was an acceptable risk. I also was relying on AWACS coverage from Clark Air Force base, in the Phillipines. Later in the game, I was able to get EC2 Hawkeyes from the CVBG to provide coverage. As to the sub sunk in the area S of Singapore, that was an act of frustration. This sub had been tasked with either the Nuke transports or the troop transports, depending on the outcome of several ops in progress. In retrospect, for me to think the troop transports were going to transit the area the sub patrolled was wishful thinking at best. However, I did issue the order to sink merchant shipping, mostly because I was frustrated at our losses, with no way to strike back. I know good things come to those who wait, and I failed in this respect. This sub would have been much more effective had it exited the area, gone to deep water and hunted from there. I must point out how difficult it is for a person with experience in games that provide you with real time info to get used to the delay and unclear picture of the situation provided by this game. If I had one improvement to suggest, I think visual updates on a daily basis would be the one thing that would provide me with what I needed to function more effectively. I realize how difficult this would be (daily map updates). My grasp of the MBX/CPX is greatly enhanced by this experince. I would readily play another. It was asked (as I recall) what the ASW setup for the amphibious TF(Phibron 11) was. I set standard operating procedures which included the following: 4 ASW helos to the front along the axis of transit, 30-60 nm ahead and seperated by 10-15 nm. 1 helo each on each flank 20-30 miles. Maximum ASW effort with all assets. Ships placed in such a way as to sacrifice the ASW picket ships for the high value targets in the center of the convoy. This has always given me good results in Harpoon. A few notes to RT. The S-3 Vikings from the CVBG (10) were not as effective as I thought they would be. This may have been from you overwhelming workload or your misunderstanding of the intent of the directives given. I had mentioned and have followed in practice in Harpoon, using the formation editor, to place the ASW warships from 20-30 nm in front, with adequate seperation, much like what was done with the helos. Then the helos are placed further out from the surface ASW screen. Then, the S-3's are set to patrolling in a random pattern along the path of movement and along the path of any sub threat axis. This is an excellent ASW formation and has yet to be penetrated in my experience. In my experience in Harpoon, the only real threat from the Malay AF came from the Hornets. It would be my intent to kill the Hornets as a top priority. Remember, I thought I also had command of all Naval air assets, including the CVBG. As stated earlier, I was soon to discover that was not the case. The mission to kill the AWACS was one I could relate to. However, the CVBG had 5 Hawkeyes, and while not having the same range and capabilities of the E-3, are nevertheless a very capable AWACS paltform. I have used them very sucessfully in CVBG only scenarios. My point being, the killing of an E-3 would not have gained the Malays much in the way of elimination of AWACS. During the scenario, it seemed there was too much piecemeal commitment of forces. If I had control, I would have marshalled the air assets differently, in an effort to make a strike that included the CVBG air assets. This would maximize (mass) the air assets into a strike force that would decapitate the Malay AF and the C and C structure of the Malays. I recognize the situational aspects of the scenario required some forces (air) to be tasked to priority targets, but as a whole, massing of U.S air assets in a mass pre-emptive strike may have worked to the benefit of the U.S. After the arrival of Phibron 11 to the staging area, my job was over. Great gaming, good fun, thanks for allowing me to participate. Regards, Jimmy Gager Scott Gainer's AAR: 1 BDE After Action Report, Battle for Brunei Introduction This was my first MBX/CPX, I would like to extend my thanks to Riki, the Malaysian team (including the lurkers) and James Sterrett for their help and advice during the course of the game. I initially signed on as a lurker, working from the theory that it was best to observe one of these before participating, however an opening appeared on the Malaysian side and provided me with an opportunity to play for most of the game. Naval and air forces, Kuching My initial assignment was as naval and air commander for Kuching, commanding a mixed force of PGMs, 1 submarine, a freighter, 1 hawk squadron, 1 hornet squadron and several AEW and ASW helicopters. The Hawks were tasked with conducting patrols over the South China Sea (SCS) using a fan pattern radiating out from the base, with 4 a/c aloft at any given time, each covering a sector 10 - 15 degrees wide and extending out to a distance as to provide bingo +30min (reserve in ase they spotted something). During the time that I commanded this force these a/c obtained no contacts. The F-18s were tasked with BARCAP and TARCAP over BSB as well as long range patrols over the Java Sea, skirting Indonesian territory in the process. The Java Sea patrols and a lone a/c sent over the Indian Ocean obtained no contacts. The BARCAP/TARCAP planes were involved in the intercept of the SV-22 inbound to BSB later in the game. Since Kuala Kinabalu had units covering eastern Borneo the submarine, freighter, AEW helo and two of the ASW helos were directed to patrol the choke points where the Java Sea joins the SCS. A third helicopter was placed on barrier duty off the coast of Brunei with the intention of interdicting SPECWAR insertions and submarines. None of these units obtained contact during my tenure. In order to provide increased station time for the helicopters two actions were taken: 1. the freighter was outfitted with fuel bladders, a supply of sonobouys and asw ordnance in order that it might act as a mini-cve; 2. an FARP was established just inside the Malaysian border from Balait Provence. The FARP was not completed and the freighter did not arrive on station while I commanded these forces. The four PGMs were placed in indivdual, overlapping racetrack patrol pattterns inshore along the northern coast of Borneo, with the intent of closing the coast to hostiles, particularly SEAL/Force Recon, while staying close to cover in the event that hostile air units or heavy surface units appeared.. No contacts developed. About the time these measures were completed we reorganised our command structure and I transferred to the army.(I still don't know which decorations to wear) Battle for BSB The 2nd BDE forces occuppied an area around the US Embassy in the form of a lopsided U, open to the West, towards Macarthur Park, and with the northern leg extending to the river while the southern leg stopped even with the western end of the embassy grounds. We had suffered heavy attrition to our armored and mechanised units due to an unexpectidly heavy ATGM presence While it was known that the Royal Guard had taken losses their situation was unclear due to smoke screens we had deployed. The Guard continued to engage 2 BDE forces until the cease-fire. Roughly three-quarters of the way through the battle for the capitol Scott Mortimer was called away for a week-end with the real Army and I received temporary command of 2 BDE after an excellent pass-down from Scott. I had four objectives in the capitol: 1. Reduce the Guard 2. Capture the Prince 3. Secure the rest of BSB 4. Isolate the US Embassy reducing the Guard and isolating the Embassy could be abetted by the same manuver. Infantry dismounts were directed to extend the southern leg of the U to Macarthur Park and then join with the northern leg, encircling the Embassy, and closing the routes to the southern bridges across the river. The armor and apcs were then to follow once the ATGM threat was neutralised and provide overwatch for the dismounts. The infantry had largely accomplished this task when the cease-fire was called, the armor and mech units had not yet made their move, and so remained South of the Embassy.. Simultaneously, a depleted company was assigned to search the palace then sweep South towards the US Embassy, to join in the encirclement. Just prior to the cease- fire this COY reported that the palace was empty and the prince clearly gone. During the cease-fire the smoke screen was allowed to dissipate and a better picture of the Guard's situation began to emerge. The Guard had clearly taken appreciable losses and had fallen back in a cordon around the US Embassy, which had taken hits from stray rounds, and was thought to be attempting to pass the prince to the US.. Some discussion followed regarding the use of artillery fire to reduce the Guard but their proximity to the Embassy rendered this measure impractical. Meanwhile 2 BDE units occupied the Park and cut-off the escape route across the bridge near there. Since gaming possibilities were looking more and more open-ended the potential for the prince serving as a rallying point for a guerilla force seemed like a reasonable outcome it was deemed important to contain him within the city for later detention prompting the encirclement of the embassy and overwatch of the possible routes out. Misinterpetation of a map supplied by the GM of our forces lead to me assigning units that had been long-gone from the BSB area to a variety of tasks in the capitol. Riki was very gracious in correcting the gaffes of a neophyte. Towards the end of the cease fire the SV-22 entered the area and thrust us into the realms of diplomacy and international relations. When this happened hostilities with the US had not yet begun and our naval forces were steaming in peacetime conditions. There had been discussion of erecting a minefield but this was ruled out as long as hostilities with the US had not begun. Our airforce, while patrolling, had not been ordered to engage but to track and report any US units. The BARCAP were ordered to intercept, but not to engage, and went out to meet the inbound aircraft. I haven't got my notes with me, just now, but I recall the US making two tries at entering BSB. The first involved the SV-22 being warned off and leaving, the second it's return with a hastily applied MEDEVAC paint job coupled with a protest, from the US, that there were injured diplomats to evacuate. Discussions on our side now beagan as to the true nature of the flight and three possibilities emerged: 1. The prince was in the Embassy and the US wanted to get him out. 2. The US wanted to insert a SPECWAR, FO or COLT team. 3. Both 1 and 2 Since BSB airport was still open the possibility of a legitimate rescue flight was discounted. Various proposals were forwarded to deal with these contingencies including storming the embassy, this one was discarded on the grounds that while we technically could, it would be bad PR with the international community. The proposal finally agreed to was to make a divert LZ in Macarthur Park and have the SV-22 land there, then convoy the staff from the Embassy to the park. The reasoning was that an inspection, within the legitimate rights of the couuntry since Brunei had elected to become a provence of Malaysia, crooked vote or no, would reveal any special warfare types lurking in the plane, permit capture of the prince, should he be hidden amongst the staff, and to prevent any specwar from getting to the embassy. Strangely enough the specwar scenario was a componant of the short story, which I had not yet read, upon which the game story line was based.. To enforce the diversion of the SV-22, ZSU-23-4s were moved to an area between the divert field and the Embassy, and along the aircraft's line of approach. The US tried to bluster through to the Embassy and the SV-22 was shot down.There had been something of a consensus that if they made it to just let the prince leave on the plane since the diplomatic problems would have been greater than the prince was worth. Shortly after this the prince was killed, the Guard capitulated and Scott came back from week-end duty.. 1 BDE and the defense of Belait Provence. Due to the confusion surrounding who was available to play my command of 1 BDE was predated to the point at which it left the BSB area. I issued the first of what were many mind numbingly verbose orders in the form of a probably over detailed march plan. 1 BDE advanced along the coast road in column of battalions, preceded and flanked by screens of recon troops, the supporting units at the rear with the SAM and AAA placed between individual BN and COY along the column. These measures were taken with a view to the possibility of US airstrikes and hostile local forces, neither of these materialised, and the column proceeded to it's destinations. Passing Lumut the last Battalion in the column peeled off to establish a patrol base outside town and patrol the area between there and 1 BDE's boundry up the coast. The theory behind the patrol bases was to permit units to come off the line, recover and resupply, the offline units providing a reaction force should the patrolling units encounter the enemy. The patrols were designed to limit the ability of the US to insert recon elements and warn of any landings. A further intention regarding the forces around Lumut was to provide reinforcements to any area where a landing might occur. This base was later badly hit by heavy bombers. The remainder of the column proceeded to Badas, which I thought was some sort of rail yard, and Seria. The towns, oilfields, airport and surrounding areas were searched and secured without incident and another BN, less 1 COY, was sent to an area 5 km NE of Seria to establish another patrol base. The detached company and a tank company proceeded, via traveling overwatch, to Kuala Belait to garrison the town. Later one of the few civil affairs incidents of the war happened there, rioters attacked troops and vehicles in town after the Navy had comandeered a fishing boat at the port, the troops were withdrawn to covering positions outside town and the situation handed over to the (abstracted) police. The recon company, after searching and seizing the airport, was tasked with patrolling the interior of Belait Provence. They continued at this for the remainder of the campaign with a notable lack of contact with the transitting SF teams. The airport was promptly forgotten, by both sides, until nearly the end of the game. Headquarters, supply and artillery emplaced themselves in and around Badas and remained in that area, with occaissional movements to try and dodge airstrikes, throughout the game. The 100 and 125mm anti-tank guns were dispersed as individual guns along the coast with the intention of destroying as many landing craft and minesweepers as possible. These saw no action since the landings were at the other end of Brunei. The SAMS and AAA were dispersed, with overlapping fields of fire, throughout the Seria map. Coverage of Lzs and employment against mine-sweeping helicopters was their principle mission. Mechanised and armored units were placed in defensive lines back from, but covering the landable beaches around Seria, and in positions to respond strongly to airborne or airmobile assaults. All units within the Brigade were instructed to develop defensive positions and make maximum use of camouflage, cover and conceilment. Positions were improved throughout the game. These were the tasks that largely occupied the bde until the overt start of US hostilies. Concrete for fortifications was not ordered on the theory that such structures would be short work for US guided weapons so logistic items that were appraised with a higher tactical value, such as nvg and mortars, were requested instead. Additional defensive measures were provided by mining the area behind landable beaches and the liberal use of expedient weapons, such as flame fougazi and booby traps, particularly in potential Lzs and along egress routes from the beaches. These proved valuable, later, when when a special forces team that had been spotting for air strikes found one of the mined areas and was subsequently destroyed by a reaction force. Other than this the only action that the forces in Belait saw was on the receiving end of numereous air and missile attacks. During the last couple of days (game) of the MBX a BN of 9 BDE was airlifted into Seria airport to augment 1 BDE. These troops were employed in the search for the sf team, suffering several bombings in the process, and were the units making the kill after the team ran into the traps. Subsequently this bn was moved to an area NE of Badas to act as a brigade reserve and help disperse the brigade to reduce the effectiveness of US bombing. The onset of the bombing campaign marked a change in operations for 1 BDE, which seemed to bear the brunt of the campaign, initially. I later learned, during the post- CPX discussion session, that this had been part of an operational deception plan. The impression I had, until after the CPX, was that these were random attacks most likely centered on Seria due to the fact that this was the only large scale game map that we had a first and tended to garner the most attention. The accuracy of these strikes, obviously heavy bombers from the weight of ordnance and lack of aircraft sightings, suggested that these had to be observed strikes. Past experience with heavy bombers has left me with the belief that they are great for taking out large, fixed targets, such as cities, but less than effective for mobile point targets. Nick and I made a case for less of the nordanesque pickle barrel accuaracy and a more lifelike scattering of bombs about the landscape and less concentration. Thereafter these attacks were more attrition and less obliteration, colateral damage increased in nearby towns, although casualties still were received by our forces . Three activities ensued as direct results of the bombing campaign: 1. Frequent displacement of units to invalidate targeting data for the heavy bombers, this caused complete misses by them and the sea launched cruise missiles on several occaissions. These displacements were normally performed at nautical twilight to reduce the infrared and visible light contrast of the troops and equipment with their background and reduce the effectiveness of spotters and sensors, 2. Employement of troops in search and destroy missions for the presumed observation teams, culminating in the destruction of one by the attached Guards bn. 3. Dispersal of troops over large areas to reduce the single strike damage incurred by any one unit. The continued abnormally high accuaracy of the heavy bombers, even after the destruction of the sf team, convinced me that there were either more sf wandering around, or that a recce drone of some sort was in the area (by this time I had read the short story in Marine, having made a foray to the used book store) and thus continued the search and destroy missions. Naturally, after the game was over, I found that the actual culprits were F-117s used for recce. Other than springing a SAM trap and bagging a pair of F-18s while enroute to the invasion site this largely concluded 1 BDE's relevent activites in the game. CPX I got home from a field trip in time to catch the last 30 minutes of the cpx. James Sterrett had been kind enough to orgnaise a preCPX CPX the previous weekend that featured a pretty clever meeting engagement, so I had some idea what was going on and which controls did what on the mirc when the final act of Brunei played out. By the time I got there, to paraphrase Puller, the Marines had landed and we were in trouble. Good use of air, by the US, had isolated elements of 2 BDE on what was effectively an island near Muara where the invasion had taken place. Sniper teams were wreaking havoc on our IFV/APC to such a degree that jokes about radium rifles, ala' Edgar Rice Burroughs, were being exchanged. My role was pretty much confined to trying to figure out a way to call Malaysia and bring the nukes onto the beachead. None of the ideas I came up with panned out and Gary finally decided, after discussion with the rest of the team, to call for a cease-fire. After a few more minutes of sparring the game wrapped up and we shifted over to the Tacops channel for a post op discussion. We were surprised to discover that the US thought we had far more troops in the area, and entering, than was actually the case. There was appaerently some concern that the landing might even be repulsed, for awhile, sadly we hadn't the forces to achieve that goal. Aside battlefield isolation the US also made effective use of air by eviscerating the Malaysian long-range communications systems, which prevented reinforcements from arriving, artillery tasking and the call for strategic weapons from going through. Decapitation strikes against 4 DIV further complicated command and control and were also factors in the game ending, with a Malaysian loss, earlier than had been anticipated. Deception, innovation and various Weird Harolds. The most refreshing aspect of playing a refereed game, as oppossed to an AI moderated or managed game, is the opportunity for innovation. Having the ability to formulate an idea, method, tactic or weapon that isn't in the original design leads to a lot of creativity on the part of the players. When I first entered into the MBX the feel for the scope for initiative and innovation was not clear. However, once the construction of the FARP had been accepted it was clear that operations and equipment within the realistic capabilities of the existing technology were acceptable. Everyone kept things within reason, not suggesting calling upon Sorhed's Ring of Power or building the Starship Enterprise, and came up with some interesting ideas. One of my first acts was to call for the remoting of transmitter antennas from the radios, themselves, and to establish autonomous relay facilities in the 1 BDE area. One of the US players, after we closed down shop, remarked that this deception worked well until we revealed it, ourselves, hopefully they will amplify on this in their own AAR. This was done in response to the assumption that the US would make use of an extensive ELINT capability and target active radio sites for destruction (as they did), most active comms were via landline. The Monkey Mountain operation came about through frustration with what seemed to be a US ability to operate with impunity. At the time we were not aware of the degree of loss the US had incurred in the initial air strikes and it seemed we were facing an inexhaustible supply of hostile aircraft. The site for the raid developed from several visits to Subic Bay and Cubi Point in the past. Contrary to an opinion expressed by one of the US players, the AWACS was a secondary, not a primary target. The goal of the action was the destruction of the tankers with a view to limiting the range of the US fighters and tactical air, if the tankers were taken down an AWACs would be icing on the cake. Since the airforce a/c can't buddy tank (different system) they would be unavailable to CAP the AWAC in it's regular patrol area. It would have to stay farther East, within range of the land-based fighters, or expose itself to our fighters. Had this worked it would have not only threatened the AWAC but limited the scope of the F-117s and F-16s to strike Borneo. Unfortunately the dice were against us on this project. The merchant ship gambit arose from an opinion that the US was throwing an awful lot of ordnance around one of the world's most congested seaways without hitting anything but Malaysian warships. Consulting the International Rules to Prevent Collisions at Sea we determined that there was nothing to prevent our warships from sailing in proximity toforeign merchants.. Combining this information with the tendency of cruise missiles to attack the center of mass of the largest target that they detect "escorting" foreign merchants seemed a natural approach to absorb US missiles intended for our ships and the Chinese missile transports, as well as invoking an international reaction if they did hit a neutral vessel. This one worked pretty well in that the US did sink a pair of foreign merchants but we still lost our ships due to the large number of missiles involved. It also seemed to force them into visual identification of all targets, as had been hoped, but the number of mrchants presented did not force the desired task loading problems. Deception aimed at the US satellite recce centered around avoiding movement during satellite overhead times, construction of dummy vehicles and emplacements, and demonstrations by troops. This was hoped, coupled with the electronic eception plan mentioned earlier, to confuse the US as to the actual location of Malaysian units and induce strikes against empty real estate. Several of the US air raids and cruise missile strikes appeared to validate this tactic. Unfortunately the recon capabilities of the F-117s were forgotten. The fougasi and booby traps were relics, as was the Malay Fan search ploy, of an early 1970's ranger course during my mis-spent youth. I needed a force multiplier to counter the US supriority in weapons that could easily be produced by troops in the field. The fate of the sf team is a testiment to these weapons and I am left wondering how well they would've worked at the invasion site. The sea mines were based n actual Iranian and Iraqi devices recovered during the Gulf war and could be manufacured in the sorts of machine shops one finds in oil fields. I was initially dismayed by the destruction of one field by bombers and was on the edge of sending off a "if this worked why would navies invest in ships to do this really dangerous work" message and then decided this is a GM call and home-made weapons could conceivably be more sensative than commercially manufacured designs, besides the deep water fields were intact. (it really does take a pretty direct hit to neutralize a naval mine, the water tamps the explosion and directs the force up which tends to preserve the mine) The idea was to dump as many US troops, and their equipment, in deep water as possible. The charges were big enough to damage an LST, cripple an LCT, sink an LCM and vaporize an LAV or AAV. Hopefully this would reduce the troops and tanks making it ashore to a manageable number. An added bonus existed in reducing the US ability to reinforce and resupply the beachead through attrition of their tactical lift assets. It occured to me that if Seria were to be the landing site, which seemed increasingly less likely as additional maps appeared, that SEAL and EOD activity against the minefield would follow soon. Since we lacked any credible means of dealing with divers I decided to have some fun with it and directed that the fields be chummed to encourage sharks. Extensive use was made of dummy mines to complicate the US neutralization efforts. The idea to get the Chinese, or some other friendly power, to station ferrets along the paths between Cubi Pt. and Borneo never came to fruition. This could've provided early warning of land-based air activityand the ferrets would have been protected, as those during Vietnam were, by right of innocent passage (reporting the positions and courses of aircraft does not constitue a warlike act). Likewise a scheme to employ commercial aircraft to watch for US activity from the commercial air-routes in the area never came about Applause, gripes, whines and general comments. First off, Distinguished Service Medal to Rikki for running the thing, this entailed an ungodly workload beyond normal requirements. A full recovery is anticipated and reliable sources state that he has stopped coming up to people on the street and telling them that the last report was meant for OPFOR, only, and not both sides. Fortunately he lives in New York City where such behavior is accepted if not expected. One aspect of the MBX/CPX system that my exposure, so far, has found encouraging is the fog of war. A persistant problem with many wargames is that the players are omniscient regarding the location of their units and those of the enemy, especially during movement or combat, which is certainly not the case in the field. ( I suspect that many veterans read books about the actions they were in as much to find out where they really were and what really happened as for any other reason) I find the fog of war aspect vital for creating a relistic feel for operational command. Although this can lead to paranoia as well. There was a period where, due to a string of unfortunate die rolls, a suspicion arose that the game was being rigged to insure an amphibious landing took place. Afterwards it developed that the US team had the same feelings of being conspired against over other aspects of the game. The lack of complete intelligence on each situation produces a mental climate of uncertainty that is not often present in simulations. Again this is closer to actual command than a constant input of both sides' condition permits. The greatest failing that we exhibited, as a team, was lack of organisation. This was due, at least in part, to member's real-world comittments and responsabilities. We could have managed this much better by having a more formalised chain of command that would have provided for someone to take charge pretty much all of the time. There were a couple of instances where developing tactical situations were not dealt with and proposals that were not acted on simply because the right person was not available for a day or several. By designating deputy commanders and deputies to the deputies we could have responded better to situations and had someone available almost all the time. This was especially apparent when members, including myself, had equipment failures and couldn't respond. A designated deputy could've covered for the absent player and insured that action was taken as situations arose. I would encourage future teams to develop a formal chain of command and lists of alternates to maintain operations at a steady pace. It is also imperative that the primary and deputy/alternate talk to one another, aso that the stand-in knows what's going on if something sudden, such as a computer crash, calls him in without a pass-down. Pass-down. Attaboy to Scott Mortimer for a great pass-down. When he had to go to reserve duty he gave me a detailed appreciation of the situation, the locations of our units, what he knew of the enemy and a brief on what needed to be done. Taking over was a piece of cake. Recommended procedure for all. Hornets and Hawks and Bears, oh my!, or OB/TOE and MANNA from Heaven. One aspect I found interesting was the periodic appearance of new equipment for one side or another. I liked this approach in that neither side was entirely sure about the other's equipment and forces. This was a nice middle of the road between having a rigid TOE/OB that can't be deviated from and thus presents few surprises and the purchase by points system which was a hallmark of Napoleonic miniatures games in the 1970s. I find the former system a bit too constraining and the latter too chaotic. One suggestion I'd like to make is to see if the Tacops community can't start developing an archive of national ground and air force Obs and TOEs to aid in building future MBX/CPX. There are a couple of sites that already have naval Obs (TOE is less applicable with ships) that serve the Harpoon, and other, communities. It would be nice if we could establish a website or ring of sites to maintain this information. Of course we'd also have to ask the Maj. to publish more units to cover the wider array of weapons that this would cover (possibly a deal such as send $10-20.00 and then have the expanded unit list ftp'd to the player?) An alternative is to use fictional countries. One problem that did crop up was that as the player's researched their sides real-world forces negotiations were undertaken to obtain more equipment than was started out with, in our case it was patrol craft, used by the coast guard, and army helicopters that did not originally appear in our lists of units. I understand that the US also bargained for more of a ground-based air presence than they originally had. This is a difficult problem to deal with when the commander in chief of each side is represented by a player, they can't be simply told that the forces have been directed elswhere, since the they would have directed the nation's force placement. Aside from creating completely fictional countries or taking the c in c out of the picture, which would impair the development of the diplomatic side of this soret of game, there are several possibilities that present themselves. 1. Present each side with it's complete OB and TOE and A. Have, as victory condition the maintenance of a minimal force level offboard, thus requiring a restriction on the forces available in the MBX theater. B. Game other powers whose ambitions must be kept in check by the player's forces, it's then up to the team to allocate forces to keep this additional side in check, this could be especially interesting if the force level needed to maintain the status quo is only known to the GM. This would be very applicable to games involving the US since this situation is reflective of the nature of US commitments on a world-wide scale (something many of our politicians have not yet grasped). In other word's: send everything to Malaysia and you might lose Korea or the Middle East. C. Invoke some other crisis to restrict the power of the larger country, by demanding forces to contain it, Gulf War II crops up in the middle of the Brunei conflict, Panama invades Florida, the Saints win the Superbowl, that sort of thing. D. Nearly all of these would require some sort of penalty for using nukes to solve the dilema presented. I would recommend that if the larger power resorts to nukes it loses the game. 2. Fictional country approach: present each side with a TOE/OB that is somewhat fixed, although I would still make provision for small surprises such as more ships and planes of a certain type, improved sensors for some units, some have better warheads etc., and use fictional countries: Ruritania vs Flatland etc. 3. Semi-fixed TOE/OB which cannot be much modified, under the guise of the results of future defense reductions. I like this one the least. Including the UN provided interesting dimension of the game. Again perception was different for both sides: from our side the UN seemed pretty apathetic to such US acts as the sinking of the merchants and attacks outside the declared theater of operations, while the US felt like hey were getting slammed every time they turned around. Nick's back channel sources of diplomatic lore made this portion of the game different from anything I had dealt with in the past. I would recommend it's inclusion in future large scale games although I would give the UN members individual victory conditions for their respective coutry, not to be shared with anyone else, to achieve the appropriate partisan feel to the votes. The naval game was a dimension that I thoroughly enjoyed. My main gripe (more of a whine, actually) is that we needed more ships and better subs. Altogether I think this part was fun. My chief recommendation here is to use the Harpoon 4 rules to simulate naval operations and battles, since all the extant computer Harpoon (which is probably still the best simulation for naval actions out there) have serious flaws when ASW and littoral warfare have to be dealt with. If you check Nick's website he has an AAR for a naval battle we had after Jame's CPX (I was the Egyptian). He seems to have the system down pretty well and by combining Riki's and Nick's approaches I think that you would have a pretty good system. Use computer Harpoon for the general book-keeping and course maintenance and H4 for the actual combat. Hopefully computer H4 will be out soon giving us a really good tool for combined ops games. Logistics is one of those things that is a pain in the neck but is a vital study for a major campaign. While we were able to model this factor, to a degree, for the land units there was a dimension lacking in the air and naval phases. Air bases do not have unlimited supplies of weapons, especially guided weapons, and should have required logistics lift, sea, land or air to replenish their stocks Carriers have a finite number of air ordnance items (usually between 2,000 and 5,000 tons, depending on whose ship it is) which get expended at an alarming rate in combat. Non-nuclear vessels require refueling and all ships will require replenishment of food, spare parts and miscellaneous supplies. (one study suggests that the fleet train was as much a factor as the fleet carrier in victory in the Pacific). All these require the allocation of resources to defend and escort, as well as scheduling to maintain continuity of supply, not to mention delays on the approach to the target for unrep (Underway REPlinishment). One thought I had early on was to attack the fleet train (oilers, AEs, AOR/AOEs etc.) since their loss would severly limit the scope of the US battle and amphib groups. Unfortunately they weren't gamed. Vietnam lends an example of how critical these support units are when one considers that the US carriers on Yankee station were reloading their air ordnance magazines daily. Interfering with the smooth flow of supply can cause real problems to a naval force whether through loss of the fleet train or bases. A serious command decision involves how many escorts to devote to the support ships, which don't travel with the battle group since they are much slower, and how much to hold with the BG. (Actually this isn't the whole story: the USN has an additional system of vessels, the USNS, that restock the fleet train. These USNS vessels are the link between shore depots and the fleet, they sail from land bases, replenish the train and the train then meets the battle groups) This is one of the reasons that the entire cruiser/destroyer force doesn't appear with the battle group when it sails. Our game did not have a theater large enough for merchant ships outside the immediate area to be a factor nor did Malaysia have the assets to conduct commerce warfare so convoying was not a factor for the US even though protection of the fleet supply lines would have been. This is a somewhat esoteric topic, like mine warfare, that few people outside the navy have much knowledge of and tends to be neglected by most gamers. The fact that neither it nor mine warfare is real exciting to watch is also a factor in it's obscurity. In future combined operations campaign games I'd like to see logistics modeled as I think their inclusion lends a better understanding of the decisions that commanders must make and insight into why forces are structured and deployed the way that they are. Maintenance down time for aircraft is another area that I'd like to see included, they should be inoperable for a day after every 100 hours of mission time (book-keeping nightmare, I know) to reflect normal maintenance. Aircraft could be flown without stopping for this down but a chance of loss through mechanical failure should be factored in for each additional hour that they fly beyond that threshold. One tactic that I wanted to employ for the navy was to merge into merchant traffic, especially for the junks and trawler/agi vessels. The traffic for the SCS was remarkably sparce, especially in the various straights and around islands. While operating in this area (and other dense traffic zones: English Channel, Straights of Messina, Straights of Marmara, Bungo Suido, Straights of Gibralter, Persian Gulf) it is not uncommon for traffic to be so dense that radar watches designate groups of contacts traveling in the same direction rather than individual ships (the normal practise). The task loading for positively identifying potential targets is immense in such areas and should have absorbed most of the US air assets just trying to identify the vessels in the area let alone making OTH attacks. Add in the fishing fleet and just sorting Malaysian Navy and auxiallary units from everyone else would have absorbed almost their entire effort up to the invasion itself. Decleration of a Falklands style exclusion zone would have caused serious delays in merchant traffic and should have been unnacceptable to many nations. Such a decelration should have been followed by our own decelration closing the Straights of Malacca and the approaches to the Java Sea forcing international commerce to reroute around Australia. (besides fishing fleets rarely pay attention to this sort of thing and enforcing the exclusion zone on the fisherman would have drained US resources). The overall experience was a good one and I regret missing most of the CPX, this was a good experiment and gave us a lot of ideas to pursue for future games. I hope we can do this again a couple of times a year in the future. Gary's Commentary: Subject: Re: US MBX AAR This amazes me still. I had to order my missile commander three times to get that mission launched. I did not - repeat DID NOT - know about the President being there. (Maybe I would have used a nuke if I had known .) > .Shortly before we landed (all the above already planned), the Malays tried > what looked like a decapitation strike against the President, launching a > salvo of IRBMs at the airport where he had just given a press conference. This was frustrating. Everything was piecemeal and not working. No matter what I did it meet a force which could not be overcome. The one thing that did work was pushing our tanks to the dock, where they got intercepted by some just landed M1s. Just one more minute and they would have passed each other and never fired at each other. > The landing itself proved to be a minor nightmare, since the Malays got > earlier warning We did? > we had to face a lot more on the map than we had hoped all that was there was troops who had been there since the occupation. > interdiction did a lot of work, and then we were saved by the Ranger's sniper > rifles (!!) darn snipers. > I thought we were in pretty desperate straits, but when Gary asked for a > cease-fire, I figured the Malays must actually be worse off - and he made the > mistake of asking Rangers, who are a bit nutso anyway. The troops were throwing stones. I had to do something in order to reposition the rest of the Brigade, now that you were landing. It was a political ploy. Now can I delete the 2MB+ of messages in my mail box? >>James Sterrett's comments in the AAR > Nick Moran's replies and James' replies to Nick's replies (confused yet?) >>(Regarding their claim that they had the right to go onto the Embassy "as >policemen" - >this explains the freedom of the KGB to explore the US Embassy in >Moscow and rifle through >the cabinets of the CIA Chief of Station? > >They would indeed, if, as was the case for us, they had been invited onto the >premesis. I wouldn't use the term "invited", more liked "forced at gunpoint", but your case seems to weaken with every iteration. >>(Their blowing away our first Osprey was a clear act of war.) > >Explain this... If in international airspace, yes. If over US airspace, yes. >But under air traffic direction and after due warnings etc? I think that's >pushing it. The accepted response to refusal to follow air traffic directions is removal of license and a hefty fine. >>My biggest fear was that the Malay Air Force, SAMs, and Navy would hide, en >>masse, in Brunei/Borneo, waiting for an opportunity to launch an immense, >>massed strike against our troop transports. > >How the devil do you hide eight frigates and an air force? We would have >launched a good sized strike if we could find you.. We couldn't, so we went on >to other uses. 1) Hide the frigates as you hid your other ships: along the shore, in coves, under IR wraps, with decoys. 2) Hide the aircraft either in western peninsular Malaysia - making noise from the AF about staying out of it. Then bring them back just before the main strike, or make the final strike a one-way deal, as it likely would be. Worth it - for the cxhance of sinking our transports. 3) Or hide the aircraft along roads in Borneo, awaiting the call as above. >>Fortunately for us, they did >>not do this, and chose to lose their Air Force and Navy piecemeal (and >>overall to very little effect, > >You have to say we tried... We were, however, suffering from a definite >material disadvantage. Any gambles we took (Some fair enough) failed. We got >unlucky more times than we got lucky, I think. No, I say you took counsel of despair and assumptions of losing, and threw them away on largely pointless, flashy missions. Killing 1 AWACS is not useful, however good it might make you feel. >>We steadily rolled the Malay AF back through Borneo and nearly launched an >>immediate followup onto the Malay Peninsula (the TLAM strike was meant to >>be part of a larger, aborted, raid, IIRC.) > >Where would have been the legality of such a raid? You knew that you hadn't >permission to do it. (I accept that this couldn't have stopped you), but I am >trying to figure out how you attempted to factor in the political situation: >You guys seem to have been hammering away with the same (lack of) compunction >and political savvy as McArthur. Basically, we no longer gave a damn about world opinion. >We were considering lobbing another missile at you (Removing the warhead >first), in order to get you to react. We figured that you would only target >military facilities, and had >them as close to evacauated as possible. I have no idea as to how you your >proposed course of action could conceivably be accepted by the outside world >until we blew one nuke up on you. Because we planned to nuke anyone who complained, too. 8) >>This did not appear to be the case on the Malay side, where the Army, Air >Force, and Navy >seemed to each fight a separate war. > >I'm not entirely sure that such is the case... We did have three differing >goals (Navy: To get the forces and supplies across, Army to dig in and defend >in the CPX, Air Force to detect and attrit the attacking forces), wheras the >USN and USAF had fairly similar goals: Defense elimination, really. There was, >on occasion some co-ordination between the branches, eg when the Air Force went >out on their drinking session, I sent two frigates in as a missile trap (They >didn't get there quick enough though) but by and large, the differing missions >didn't permit incredible co-ordination. You had one goal: prevent our landing from succeeding. Forces and supplies you got across best by stealth. The Army did well in digging in and defending. The AF and Navy could best serve by preventing the landing. As you note they had not the power to stand up to us in a toe-to-toe fight. They did have the power to get missiles through our TF defenses in an all-out strike. You failed to attempt this. And Nick's further reply: >>>(Regarding their claim that they had the right to go onto the Embassy "as >>policemen" - >this explains the freedom of the KGB to explore the US >Embassy in >>Moscow and rifle through >the cabinets of the CIA Chief of Station? >> >>They would indeed, if, as was the case for us, they had been invited onto the >>premesis. > >I wouldn't use the term "invited", more liked "forced at gunpoint", but >your case seems to weaken with every iteration. > I can't see how it does, as I have never changed my stance. Maybe, like any issue, it is a mere matter of semantics, and the difference between the spirit and letter of the laws, but I base my arguments on the differences between the words 'inviolate' and 'sovereign', and British/Irish laws wherein police, without a warrant, (precluded from the embassy situation by the 'inviolate' clause), may not enter and arrest a man or search his house, unless he lets them in the door willingly, at which point all powers that they have the man's door come back to them. As for 'forced at gunpoint' we didn't say 'you must do this' as much as 'you can do this under this condition or you can do that, or you can do the other' Again, we can argue this out for days! >>>(Their blowing away our first Osprey was a clear act of war.) >> >>Explain this... If in international airspace, yes. If over US airspace, yes. >>But under air traffic direction and after due warnings etc? I think that's >>pushing it. > >The accepted response to refusal to follow air traffic directions is >removal of license and a hefty fine. > Since neither would be a realistic possibility... (How do we enforce removal of the license? We forbid you to take off again, in which case we shoot you down?)...Besides, in a state under martial law, different rules probably apply. > >1) Hide the frigates as you hid your other ships: along the shore, in >coves, under IR wraps, with decoys. I didn't even consider such a possibility, as I feel that disguising an FAC is one thing, but if I were running the game, I wouldn't permit such procedures with full-blown frigates. > >2) Hide the aircraft either in western peninsular Malaysia - making noise >from the AF about staying out of it. Then bring them back just before >the main strike, or make the final strike a one-way deal, as it likely >would be. Worth it - for the cxhance of sinking our transports. > >3) Or hide the aircraft along roads in Borneo, awaiting the call as above. > Possible.. But then while you were destroying our air and naval forces, we were buying time for our troop transports. We figured that the branch with the best chance of defeating you was the army, and the navy would have been the first thing we would sacrifice, followed by the air force, the army last. > >No, I say you took counsel of despair and assumptions of losing, and threw >them away on largely pointless, flashy missions. Killing 1 AWACS is not >useful, however good it might make you feel. I beg to differ. Past experience has shown that an AWACS is worth losing quite a few aircraft over. The tanker would have been even better, but it wasn't so likely an opportunity. A) You would have reacted to us, even if only by placing the remaining aircraft further back and maybe giving it another escort. B) Your ability for surveilance would be much curtailed.. Instead of having 18+ hour coverage, you would be down to half that, giving us extra flexibility. Further, if the one remaining AWACS was up, it would give us warning that something was likely afoot. >The AF and Navy could best serve by preventing the landing. I felt the surface navy's best function was the supply and reinforcement of the land troops. As you note >they had not the power to stand up to us in a toe-to-toe fight. They did >have the power to get missiles through our TF defenses in an all-out >strike. You failed to attempt this. We would have loved to, if we could find your ships before we ran out of aircraft!!! DWH Manic Moran Carlton Hommel (one of the UN lurkers): >>[Moran]You guys seem to have been hammering away with the same (lack of) >>compunction and political savvy as McArthur. > >[Sterrett]Basically, we no longer gave a damn about world opinion. Which was one of the problems with the MBX victory conditions. The US military was not influenced by political ramifications, not even as much as they were in Desert Shield/Storm. The US President had world opinion factored into his personal victory, but only a small (about 10-20) percentage. So yes, if the US won the CPX, they could tell "world opinion" to go to hell. In our 1998 world, I shudder to think what would happen if the US conducted a similar campaign. C. Hommel And again: Nicholas Moran wrote: > >>We eventually did not fry all of Malaysia for this, but did leave nuclear >>>forces on Launch on Warning, so that the next missile launch by Malaysia >>would result in their complete and utter destruction. > >We were considering lobbing another missile at you (Removing the warhead >first), in order to get you to react. We figured that you would only target >military facilities, and had >them as close to evacauated as possible. I have no idea as to how you your >proposed course of action could conceivably be accepted by the outside world >until we blew one nuke up on you. I think Tom Clancy covered this pretty well in _The Sum of All Fears_. The US President felt personally threatened by your missile attack on Cubi Point, and went (heh) ballistic. You attacked him, and he took it personally. At which point, niceties such as international law went out the window. Now, why was the President there? He made arrangements as soon as the SEALs took over the second missile transport; he wanted to meet them and hold a big press conference with the results. So his being there wasn't spur-of-the-moment. Speaking as the UN Ambassador to Ghana, Ghana would have fully supported a US nuclear strike on Malaysia if Malaysia detonated a nuke on a military target. We would have somewhat reluctantly gone along with a nuke strike if Malaysia detonated one in the middle of the ocean. (Which was talked about in Malaysian circles for a while.) We would not have been happy with a US "launch on warning", especially if the Malaysian missle was a dud. >True, we had a whale of a time over on the Malaysian side, be it with the >bananas or weird and wonderful plans. This lurker had fun, too. C. Hommel Steve Althouse's AAR: I was originally given the job of air and spec ops staff officer. Not to long after that I volunteered to add President to my plate as well. I did it because I thought it would be a few news conference type postings and answer some political questions that the marine force commander was being called upon to answer that were far above his level and not his direct concern. Had I known how much work it was going to turn out to be I may not have done it. Since I have switched computers this month I do not have any of the postings to refer to for factual points so I will just give you my ideas and thoughts on what occured. I showed some of my friends and co-workers the ENN site to get their initial reactions to the shooting down of the V-22. Nearly everyone of them indicated that the Malysians should be hit back in a big way. These people ran the spectrum of political inclinations. It formed the basis of my character of President Baldwin. I pictured him as a savy backroom politics type. Not very educated in the ways of the international politics and military operations. He has good advisors and is constantly aware of the voter's perception of things. This perception, 5 minutes of Network news a day or a headline read on the way to the sports page is how many Americans form their opinions on world events. The attitude the American people would have was they were nearly as angry as attack on Pearl Harbor. I am sure there will be people that disagree with me. But it was a deliberate attack on a American plane flying on what looked like a humanitarian flight. The shooting of the Prince on embassey grounds, no matter what the legalities might be, would further anger people (which it did in my second enn poll). The fact a small country like Malaysia would deliberately provoke the US in such a manner is akin to a local bully picking a fight with a heavyweight prizefighter that just wants to be left alone. I was determined that the lesson of not picking a fight with the US would be a unmistakable one. Kinda like the old "speak softly and carry a big stick", except this time we had to use the stick. The UN resolutions were incorrectly done. I asked for a resolution to use military force to remove the Malaysians. I didn't ask the UN to tell us to go force the Malaysians out. Nor did I approve any changes to the resolution...Despite that the resolution was changed to have restrictions of area and type of force that could be used. You can not fight the armed forces of an entire nation effectively if you tell them you won't attack over half their country. Some of these restrictions came from countries that should have been allies. At this point I decided that the american voters would support me if I had to widen the war and to carry on the conflict if the UN disapproved. When it came down to brass tacks what was the UN going to do if I ignored them? Much of the blame for the situation should have been focused on the Malays. They were the ones that started the conflict in the region and likely effected the merchant traffic. When that world attitude did not appear I realized that the political angle of the MBX was out of kilter. My primary concern was to save American lives in the coming invasion. A disaster would be politically unacceptable and morally wrong. Some comments have been made about some of the "illegal" actions we took. The sinking of Malay naval and merchant shipping was ordered by the president. The naval vessels initially struck were not near any other merchant vessels according to RT...so slinging missiles around was not what happened. The second strike on the naval vessels also hit neutral shipping we acted quickly to contact the owning countries (RT) and begin talks on reparations. The Malay Merchant vessels became targets after we discovered they were transporting military cargo. It was hoped that sinking one would cause the others to stay in port as well as divert other neutral shipping out of the area. Other merchants were sunk in ports after they had been warned not to transit the area. The entire nuclear missile affair took too much time up. The fact there was an embargo on shipping into malaysia and Brunei gave us as much right to search vessels at sea as it did in the gulf when vessels were stopped and searched before being allowed to continue on. I am not a sea lawyer so i just based my actions on what I had seen in the gulf. The missile strike on Cubi Point allowed me to make a point about nuclear politics. Just because the Malays didn't shoot a nuke doesn't mean that we will believe they haven't. As far as we knew all the remaining missiles could have been nukes. Since the President, the man with the button was at ground zero. He had to make a decision within 15 minutes. Waiting to see if one was a nuke was not a very appealing situation. He chose a plan with a failsafe in it that allowed the stand down if the attack was non-nuclear. He could have just as easily chosen to fire...all the statements on non-first use don't mean a thing when the man decides to push the button. The high altitude level bombing by B-1s was meant as a terror weapon. After the first attack we never checked the co-ordinates to see if there were urban areas. It was an oversight on our part not a deliberate attempt to hit civilians...often times there was only James doing all the work and he didn't have time to check everything. In the end Malaysia has a ruined military, a blasted infrastructure and most likely a economic nightmare. The US has a more tarnished international reputation, a few billion dollars in lost hardware and 30 or so combat experienced pilots. I'm sure I have forgotten something. If anyone has a question about an event let me know and I will respond. To which Scott mortimer replied: I think you will find that the losses were much more substantial than that, I recall the USS Fletcher with all hands at least 30 aircraft, 2 possibly 3 submarines and a lot of marines, rangers and attached army. I would think that your personnel losses were at least 600 and probably many more, plus the billions of dollars in armaments used. I think that your straw poll on the V22 incident also does not reflect reality when the real reaction to the shoting down of US planes and helos in Bosnia and Somalia respectively is considered, if you recall in both instances the reaction was to get the US forces out. In relation to the use of the nuclear weapons I think that their use would have meant instant loss of the Presidential election when it was shown that no nuclear weapons were used against the US. One matter about the result of the MBX intrigues me and that is what would happen now in Brunei as the nearest heir is the Malaysian puppet! Scott M Gary Wollbach's AAR: MBX AAR - Prime Minister Malaysia by Gary Wollbach Hats off, three cheers, etc etc etc, to Riki for putting us all through this MBX. I had over 2MB of e-mail files, and that was just my team, and I trashed numerous messages. Riki must have a huge 10 GB hard drive and a masochistic personality. When the exercise began, many elements of the MBX had not been worked out. Over the first week many of the operational elements were filled in. I think it is safe to say that this MBX grew and assumed a life of it's own. Frankenstein was alive and well. The original precept for the control of the operation led some to believe that the MBX would be a TacOps style exercise. The truth was far from that. In reality the MBX had three game engines (that I know of) being used to determine the outcome of events. TacOps, Harpoon, and the dreaded Game Master's dice. Our Team initially set up using a TacOps style command structure which caused a lot of problems very early. The Malaysian Team had to reorganization, which caused the MBX to halt till the restructuring was completed. When we were finished, we had a Prime Minister and a Chief of Staff for each of the military branches (Army, Navy, Air Force). Our thinking had to adapt and adjust from tactical to strategic and political. I attempted to give broad instructions to the military chiefs and they established priorities and conducted joint operations. Once in a while, the Prime Minister would intervene, but it was not frequent. I would scan over the military reports and file them. I was given a choice of a Chinese shipment and, as some thought, I choose nuclear weapons. There were a few times when I did step in and actually order an operation but as the exercise progressed, the Malaysian Team found that our real enemy was not the United States but the Game Master's dice. There was the strike at the AWACs. Not a very smart thing to do in retrospect but we were desperate to strike back at the US. I approved the operation but the shadow of that failure lingered over most operations for the remainder of the exercise. I did not approve the hide and seek operations of the Navy which caused the US such embarrassment, but that operation caused the United Nations to begin to assume a role which was never foresaw when the exercise began. I also had a deal with Indonesia and we exchanged intelligence on US movements. The missile attack on Cubic Bay was one I insisted on. In retrospect I should have ordered the attack to be conducted a little differently, but at the time I wanted to hurt the US and Cubic Bay was the only target within reach (too bad we did not have a good fix on the fleet). I did not know that the President was there but it was kind of interesting watching the reaction when people began to realize what had happened and almost had happened. For those that like to play the what if game here is a question for you - what if the US President had been killed by that conventional missile strike? Or even better - what if the US had launched a retaliatory nuclear missile strike thinking that the in bound missiles were nuclear, even though they we not? "How about a nice game of chess?" The invasion came closer and we knew that it would happen and no matter what we did, short of nuclear war, would stop it. Our air force was gone, our navy was gone, our troops were engaging special operations teams and being bombed daily. Luckily the morale of the troops was high, or maybe it was that the GM never made a role to see what it was? If he had we might have had a mutiny. Several times during this AAR I have mentioned the dice roles. Next time we play a MBX, I want a neutral third party to certify that the dice are not loaded. Now I am not accusing Riki of anything, I trust him, but those dice need to be purified with fire. We lost numerous contacts because of those dice. Those dice are what ultimately caused the Malay army to seek out a US officer (the Ranger's as it turned out) to request a cease fire (it had nothing to do with all the overwhelming military hardware thrown at us). Assuming the role of a leader of a nation, making life and death decisions, and having to live with the consequences of the results is not easy. As my country was being destroyed, and our military eliminated, I made the comment to the King that would take my life as an offering for the disgrace I had wrought on my country. Luckily the game was called before he accepted my offer. At least creating the little speeches and news releases got me to thinking that maybe I could switch careers and become a political speech writer. Overall this MBX set a milestone which will be hard to beat. The web pages, ENN, the news releases, the UN, were all elements that are hard to bring together and even harder to keep going. Riki you must be single or have a very understanding wife (or did you do all this when she was asleep or at her mother's?). See you on the battlefield. gary And that's all I have in my mailbox - aren't you glad?